The situation in Manipur is complex, to say the least. It goes beyond the fight between ethnicities. Religious faultlines have only compounded the situation even though it is an aspect either ignored or selectively told as a “fight between Hindu Meiteis and tribals.” Illegal infiltration is at the heart of this problem. All in all, there is a sinister plot at play and history is witness to it. Misleading mainstream media reports too have openly taken sides, unsurprisingly so. However that may be, NorthEast, unfortunately, continues to bear the brunt.
Violence broke out between largely Hindu Meiteis and Christian Kukis on 3rd May during a ‘Tribal Solidarity March’ organised by the All Tribal Student Union Manipur (ATSUM) in the Churachandpur district’s Torbung area to oppose the demand of the Meeteis for Scheduled Tribe (ST) status.
While the tribal groups have been opposing the Meitei community’s demand for ST status for years, the recent protests and violence were triggered by a Manipur High Court order on 27 March, directing the Manipur government to submit recommendations to the union government for the inclusion of Meitei in the ST list. The court had issued the order after several petitions filed by Meitei activists seeking the said direction.
Meiteis have been seeking the ST status since 1981 when the then CM Rishang Keishing raised the issue in the state assembly. In 1995, they were granted the Other Backward Classes (OBC) status. Two sub-communities within the Meiteis – Chakpas (previously known as lois) and Thoubal Khunous (previously Yaithibis) – were already identified as Scheduled Castes (SC) in 1956.
The Meiteis have made multiple requests by submitting memorandums to the state and the Centre since 2013 in this regard but to no avail. In 2012, the Scheduled Tribe Demand Committee of Manipur (STDCM) was formed which submitted the first such memorandum in November 2012 to the then Governor Gurbachan Singh Jagat.
In December same year, another memorandum was submitted by the STDCM to the then Congress CM Okram Ibobi Singh.
On 29 May 2013, the Ministry of Tribal Affairs wrote to the Manipur govt seeking a specific recommendation on the inclusion of Meiteis in the ST list; it also sought the latest socio-economic survey data and an ethnographic report on Meiteis. It has been 10 years yet no submissions have been made by the state in response to the Centre’s letter. This despite 30 representations made to the state and 10 to the Central govt.
Who are the Meiteis & why are they demanding ST status?
Meiteis, also known as Meetei or Manipuri, are the largest ethnic group in the state of Manipur comprising about 53% of the state’s population (as per 2011 census data). The majority of Meiteis are Hindus and some are Muslims, called the Pangals. They currently fall under the OBC category.
Interestingly, the Meiteis were included in the Scheduled Tribes list as a “tribe among tribes of Manipur” before the signing of the Merger Agreement of Manipur on 21 September 1949 into the Union of India. They were stripped of this ST status after Manipur merged with India. At that time, SC-ST status was not sought after, the reservation was not that big, and even govt jobs were not considered as important as they are today, and therefore the Meiteis didn’t object when they were moved out of the ST list.
Notably, out of Manipur’s total area of 22,327 sq km, Meiteis are restricted to a mere 2,000 sq km area in the shrinking Imphal valley constituting East and West Imphal, Thoubal, Kakching, Bishnupur, and Jiribam. So the majority population of Manipur occupies a mere 10% of land in the state with no rights to purchase land outside this periphery. They cannot purchase nor occupy land in the hill districts of the state which accounts for 90% of the land in Manipur, as non-tribals are not allowed to buy land in the tribal hill areas.
According to the World Meetei Council, restoration of the ST status is a matter of survival. “Majority of the Meetei community live in a hand-to-mouth economy. Among the indigenous communities in the Northeast, Meetei is one of the smallest communities. Meetei is smaller than Naga, Khongjai(Kuki), Tai-ahom, etc,” says the Council on its website.
It further mentions, “Meetei community was isolated and not connected to MAINLAND INDIA in the past. And now with a small population of hardly 17 lakhs in India approximately 14 lakhs and 2 lakhs in Manipur and Assam respectively and the rest in other NE states and other cities of India, Meetei feels quite awkward socially and culturally. With 32.59% of the population living below the poverty line and a per capita income of Rs 70,000/- only, the community is among the poorest in India. The literacy Rate is 79% but drastically low in higher education due to economic backwardness.”
In December 2019, the Central govt extended the Inner Line Permit (ILP) in Manipur following the demands of the Meiteis who fear losing their land.
Who are the Kukis and why are they against granting ST status to Meiteis?
The largely Christian Kuki tribe in Manipur comprises over 20 sub-tribes. They are also known as CHIKIM – Chin-Kuki-Mizo-Zomi – and CHIKUMI. Chins are largely believed to have migrated from the Chin state of Burma (Myanmar). Some migrated to Bengal where they came to be known as Kukis.
Another major group of tribals in Manipur is comprised of several Naga tribes. However, the Nagas have kept themselves distanced from the current conflict. Although they also oppose the granting ST status to Meiteis, they have not taken part in the current protests and violence.
It is notable that only Meiteis and Nagas have been living in Manipur for thousands of years, and Kukis are relatively new to the region. Kukis migrated from Myanmar in the 18th and 19th centuries for various reasons, including persecution by more powerful groups in Myanmar. It is known as the Great Kuki Exodus. Kukis migrated in large numbers from the Mizo and Chill hills to Manipur during this Great Kuki Exodus in the 18th and 19th centuries.
The migration of Kukis to Bengal, Mizoram, and eventually Manipur was owing to various factors. Meitei kings, who would face occasional raids by the Nagas, settled the Kuki tribes from Myanmar to act as demographic buffers. These tribes came to be known as Old Kukis or Khongjais. Immigrant Kukis were also settled by the British in the area for similar reasons.
Nonetheless, the common point in all these theories is that Kukis were not necessarily original inhabitants of Manipur, unlike the Meiteis and Nagas. However, they were taken into the fold by the Meiteis and then the British given the demands of the situation in those times.
However, the migration of Kukis from Myanmar didn’t stop after the great exodus, it continues even today, as the situation in Myanmar remains volatile, and the majority groups continue to target and attack other groups. This has resulted in ongoing tension in the state, as the Meiteis allege that local Kukis are helping Burmese Kukis to immigrate illegally and then settle in forest land.
It is safe to say that Kukis and Meiteis have been living side by side even with their fair share of differences.
But Kukis believe that the Meiteis do not have the characteristics of a tribe anymore. One of their arguments is that the Meiteis lost their tribal characteristics following the introduction of Hinduism around the 1730s by the King.
In an interview, prominent Kuki leader Wilson L Hangsing expressed his reservations saying, “If there are Meiteis who remember and identify which sub-tribe they belong to under the Meitei umbrella then they can demand the ST status. But for the entire Meitei community including the Brahmins, who are not indigenous, to demand the status is propaganda. All other castes are flexible, for example, a Kshatriya King can become a Shudra if he loses a battle. But others cannot become Brahmins, everyone knows that. Brahmin Meiteis have all come from Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa.”
“Their ethnic identity may have been lost but their caste identity is still Brahmin. I don’t see how they can be reverted to tribals,” said the Kuki leader.
Kukis make up 26% of the Manipur population and occupy the majority of the 90% of land mainly in the southern hills comprising Churachandpur, Kangpokpi, Chandel, and Tengnoupal districts.
The remaining area is occupied largely by the Naga tribe in the north consisting of Senapati, Ukhrul, Tamenglong and Chandel districts. Nagas made up 17% of the state’s population. The Nagas have historically had amicable ties with the Meiteis barring some incidents of attack on Meitei kings. Many Nagas have also been absorbed into the Meitei population.
As far as the current situation is concerned, the Nagas have distanced themselves from the conflict. Both the Nagas and Kukis can purchase land in the Imphal Valley too.
Demands for a separate ‘Kukiland’ have also been made in the past since 1980. This began after the formation of Kuki-Zomi insurgent groups namely Kuki National Organisation (KNO), Kuki National Army (KNA), and Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRA). In a more recent development, Kukis now seek Kukiland Territorial Council on the lines of the Bodoland Territorial Council in Assam.
Illegal infiltration, encroachment, and drugs menace
At the outset, the conflict seems to be that of identity and demand for ST status. But there’s more. The influx of illegal migrants from across the border from Myanmar and Bangladesh, the cropping up of illegal villages, poppy cultivation and terrorism pose a direct threat to the state’s demography and resources. These have given rise to the demand for NRC among the Meiteis.
Meiteis alleged that the Kukis who are in Myanmar and Bangladesh have been illegally crossing over the border, taking over land, and being sheltered by their distant relatives who moved to India decades ago. This has also facilitated the drug nexus.
Large areas of forest land are being occupied by the Kukis and converted into Poppy plantations, running a bustling opium trade. Illegal villages had been cropping up on forest land in the hill districts along with the poppy farms. These were largely in the protected and reserved forest areas of CHIKUMI districts. Most of these encroachers are Burmese Kukis and have migrated illegally in relatively larger numbers ever since the February 2021 coup in Myanmar.
The N Biren Singh govt has been carrying out a large-scale crackdown against encroachment and poppy cultivation since coming to power. The security forces have been destroying poppy fields, but they keep coming back.
The govt also razed several illegally built Churches on lands under reserved and protected forests.
Despite several notices from the govt to the villages, there has been no response but open defiance. Both the Meiteis and the Nagas have staunchly backed the state government’s eviction drives.
It is being alleged that the ST status for Meiteis was just an excuse for the violence, and the real reason is opposition to the crackdown on encroachment and poppy cultivation. It is also alleged that Churches also could be behind it after the govt demolished the illegal churches.
The Manipur govt had also launched a campaign against drugs in 2017 to combat large-scale illegal poppy cultivation. Illicit poppy cultivation is mainly being conducted in hill districts of Ukhrul, Senapati, Kangpokpi, Kamjong, Churachandpur, and Tengnoupal.
According to data from 2017 to 2023, 2518 arrests have been made. Of these, interestingly, the highest among those arrested were Muslims (1083), followed by Kuki-Chin (873), Meitei (381), and others (181).
15,496 acres of poppy cultivation have been unearthed. Of this Kuki-Chin tribes recorded a total of 13,121.8 acres of poppy cultivation, Nagas recorded 2340 acres, and other communities accounted for 35 acres.
The crackdown is owing to increasing drug abuse and trafficking, particularly among the youth, which has sometimes also percolated the political corridors of Manipur.
Moreover, the Meiteis have demanded that the India-Myanmar border be sealed owing to the influx of “terrorist groups”.
Manipur and its encounters with conflict
The occupation of Assam at the hands of the Burmese for seven years (1817-1826) spilled over into the neighbouring state of Manipur as well. In Manipur, this period is known as Chahi-Taret Khumtakpa (seven years of devastation).
In 1992, at least 84 people lost their lives in clashes between Nagas and Kukis. In 1993, communal clashes between Pangals (Muslims) and Meiteis (Hindus) left at least 100 dead.
Interestingly, ever since, 3 May is marked as a black day or Shaheedi Memorial Day by the Pangals who have their own armed groups namely All Manipur Muslim Students’ Organization (AMMSO), All Manipur Muslim Girl Students’ Organization (AMMGSO) and Pangal (Manipur Muslim) Political Forum (PPF).
Another less talked about factor that has possibly played a role in the conflict is the existence of People’s United Liberation Front (PULF). It underlines that terrorism is another threat staring right into Manipur at least since 2006 when three Pangals named Salman Khurshid (23), Abdul Rahman (24), and Mohammad Akbar Hussein (20) were arrested by the Delhi police with arms and ammo.
In 2018, a bandh was called by the All Manipur Muslims Organisation Coordinating Committee (AMMOCOC) against the eviction drive conducted by the state. This after CM N Biren Singh had advised against communalising the eviction drive. “A particular community in the state, in the name of following the same religion, are encouraging the entry of illegal migrants in the state.”
The expert view
Experts who have been studying the NorthEast, particularly Manipur, have a very clear point of view. Some say that Kukis are not the original natives of Manipur and were settled here by the British from Myanmar. An expert, who did not want to be named, said, “In 1891 after the British defeated the Meiteis in the Anglo-Manipur War, they brought in the Kukis from Burma which was also under the Raj at the time. So the Christian-convert Kukis have since become trouble-makers considering that they demand a “Kukiland” which includes parts of Bangladesh, Burma, and parts of India. So they have a separatist-expansionist strategy. They are creating trouble wherever they go.” Some also believe that the conflict is being orchestrated from outside India.
This poses a dangerous challenge to the Meiteis. The STDCM claims that the population of Meiteis was 59% in 1951 and has come down to 44% in 2011. The Meitei body says the community is no longer the majority. “Looking at the trend of the demographic change, the number could fall further come the 2021 census data,” said STDCM working president in an interview.
The secret Kuki gameplan: Capture a vast territory in India's Far East & cut off India's access to friendly nations in South-East Asia.
— Abhijit Chavda (@AbhijitChavda) July 4, 2023
Exactly like Pakistan cuts off our access to Central Asia & Europe.
The objective is to derail India's Act East policy & stop India's rise. pic.twitter.com/RHf0cDszri
A letter by another Kuki group called Indigenous Tribal Leaders Forum (ITLF), which has now gone viral on social media, has drawn stark criticism from non-tribals and experts alike. In the letter, the group openly admits to the “distribution of lands and properties earlier owned by Meitei people.” It further casts speculation about whether there is inaction against the same by the Indian forces, saying, “timely intervention of Assam Rifles.” The group openly admits to and declares its “war for complete separation from the state of Manipur.”
Anthropologist and Author, Rami Niranjan Desai is of the view that the Kukis cannot be welcoming of illegal infiltrators just because they possibly share historical or ancestral ties with them. She also believes that if a community accounts for 30% to 40% of the population, it cannot be deemed a minority.
The Meitei community has an absolute right to demand inclusion in Scheduled list, if there is an objection you can vocalise it but you can’t become automatic weapon wielding anarchists. The Kuki militants have lost the war of perception at least. #ManipurRiots https://t.co/77khoamJwz
— Rami Niranjan Desai (@ramindesai) May 29, 2023
“According to me, a minority would be a community that accounts for a single-digit population, say 2% or so.” The tribals in Manipur account for about 47%. This becomes a key reason for the Hindu Meiteis to demand a level-playing field.
A brief summary
It is safe to say that the coverage of Manipur has been highly biased. Almost all mainstream media reports have made the pitch – that “Hindu majority Meiteis” are demanding ST status – without providing the context of their demand. The reports go on to talk about tribal casualties in detail, show the crackdown on encroachments and poppy cultivation in a bad light, and are limited to the simplistic majority-minority narrative.
The most underreported detail of the ongoing conflict has been the exodus of Hindus from the Kuki-majority Churachandpur district. Hindu activists have claimed that the 3rd May violence is not a tribal vs non-tribal conflict, but it was actually initiated by the Christian tribals to evict the Meiteis from Christian majority areas. Dr Khangembam Romesh, Assistant Professor in JNU, writes, “Kukis spreading Christianity among Meiteis had created multiple negative impacts on the region. The churches are communally coloured and effectively used to serve that purpose.”
The Hindu activists point out that the Tribal Churches Leaders’ Forum issued a statement supporting the tribal solidarity march. In response to the call by ATSUM, The Tribal Churches Leaders Forum (TCLF unanimously resolved to endorse the ‘Solidary March’ of ATSUM in a meeting held on May 1. “This solidarity March organised by the ATSUM is to collectively protect the social, political and religious interests of the tribal people of Manipur,” said the statement.
The faultlines in Manipur breach every spectrum of identity. The last and available census data of 2011 is from a different time. The world has changed manifold ever since, and India’s Manipur has not been immune to these changes. The recent conflict brings to the fore the ground realities of Manipur which are changing by the day. The demand for ST status by Meiteis losing ground and the aggressive opposition by Kukis are technical details of the main underlying problems that Manipur is facing today.
Tracing the origins of the two communities may not be possible nor will it necessarily yield solutions to the present-day challenges. But it is to be noted that somewhere behind their ethnic identities, there is a layer of religious identity too which has been giving shape to a conflict that may blow out of proportion in no time until Indians “Look East” and “Act East.”
