Bharat Coking Call Limited (BCCL), is a company based in Jharkhand. It’s not private. It is a Government of India company. The company caters to 50% of the coking coal requirement of the integrated steel sector. It was established in January 1972. It currently manages 36 coal mines across the country. These mines have been classified by marking them in 13 different areas.
One of them is the Sijua region (Modidih Kaliyari). In this area, the company had to file a suit in the court under the ‘Eviction of Unauthorized Trespassers in Public Premises Act’. The list of accused in this case is very long. Their names are as follows –
Halim Ansari, Mohammad Hasin Ansari, Ahtashamul Haque, Mohammad Sajjad Hussain, Sabina Praveen, Zarina Khatoon, Mohammad Shah Alam, Mohammad Nasruddin Ansari, Amir Hussain, Mohammad Riaz Ansari, Mohammad Shahnawaz Ansari, Taj Khatoon, Kalamul Haque, Mohammad Firoz Ansari, Arshad Ansari, Soukat Ansari, Mohammad Nizamuddin Ansari, Mohammad Nasruddin Ansari, Mohammad Mukhtar Ansari, Mohammad Nasruddin Ansari, Mohammad Mukhtar Ansari, Mohammad Nasshad Ansari, Mohammad Mukhtar Ansari, Mohammad Mukhtar Ansari, Mohammad Kashad Ansari, Mohammad Mukhtar Ansari, Mohammad Kashad Ansari, Mohammad Mukhtar Ansari, Mohammad Kashad Ansari, Mohammad Mukhtar Ansari, Mohammad Kashad Ansari, Mohammad Mukhtar Ansari, Mohammad Mukhtar Ansari, Mohammad Shamshad Ansari, Saibun Ansari, Mohammad Mukhtar Ansari, Mohammad Mukhtar Ansari, Mohammad Shamshad Ansari, Saibun Ansari, Aftab Ansari, Aftab Ansari Mohammad Tahir Ansari, Irshad Alam, Noori Khatoon, Mohammad Washid Ansari, Mohammad Allauddin Ansari, Mohammad Imamuddin Ansari, Razia Khatoon, Nargis Naaz, Mohammad Tabrez, Ghulam Sarwar, Mohammad Kalim Ansari, Abdul Ansari, Mohammad Kamal Ansari, Zarina Khatoon, Mohammad Imran Ansari, Mohammad Kalim Ansari, Ainul Ansari, Anwar Hussain, Mohammad Saddam, Noor Alam Ansari, and Saibun Nisha.
Illegal encroachments on BCCL property; 90 per cent of accused are Muslims
These are the same people against whom this lawsuit has been filed. Notices were also issued to them, but they did not bother to give any reply. Not only that, they did not even remain present on given dates despite the Court’s order.
A case has been filed against them in the Real Estate Court in the Sijua area. Now BCCL has issued an advertisement in the newspaper. It warned that the real estate officer of the court has said that if they do not appear in the next hearing, an order will be passed against them.
They have occupied BCCL’s land and plots. They are not attending the court hearing. They are not even responding to the notice. There is a list of 50 such people, of whom 45 are Muslims which is 90 per cent of the total number of accused in this case.
What’s the recurring pattern behind names like Sajjad, Nasruddin, and Aamir repeatedly emerging in cases involving the collective possession of government property under alleged conspiracies? Why do instances of court orders to reclaim government property tend to involve individuals named Washeed, Imran, or Anwar? And why do names such as Zarina, Sabina, and Razia consistently appear in cases of unabashed occupation of government property with claims of victimhood?
These individuals not only assert ownership of government property but also disregard notices and avoid court proceedings. Are they under the impression that they are above the law or do they anticipate support from a coalition of NGOs, politicians, and journalists, similar to the situation in Haldwani?
Violence when asked to vacate illegal encroachments: What happened in Haldwani?
Haldwani, often referred to as the financial hub of Uttarakhand due to its significant commercial and industrial activities, should ideally have efficient transportation and freight facilities, typically facilitated by railways in India. However, rampant encroachment and illegal occupation of railway land in Haldwani became a persistent problem, and even the police struggled to address it. This encroachment garnered support from various Muslim leaders, lawyers, and journalists nationwide.
It’s crucial to shed light on the role of journalists within this supportive network. OpIndia’s ground report uncovered an individual instructing the crowd on what to say and how to say it. Additionally, it was revealed that these actions would be featured on Aarfa Khanum Sherwani’s video show on ‘The Wire.’ When the time came to vacate the illegally occupied area, a gathering of people occurred. Women and children were involved in sit-in protests, mirroring the protests seen in Delhi’s Shaheen Bagh. Videos depicting emotional individuals crying were recorded and widely circulated on social media.
And finally, there is a gang of lawyers, and NGOs, who immediately run to the Supreme Court. The same thing happened here. The Supreme Court stayed the decision to vacate the encroachment. The number of encroachers is not a hundred or two hundred, but it is 50,000.
A situation similar to the BCCL case has arisen here, where despite numerous notices, there has been no response. This encroachment issue is impeding the expansion and development projects of Indian Railways, affecting their progress. In this area, there are a total of 4,365 encroachment cases, including the construction of around a dozen mosques. The Uttarakhand High Court had issued an order to remove these encroachments in Gafoor Basti, situated in the Banbhulpura area of Haldwani. However, the Supreme Court has temporarily halted the process.
Moreover, these individuals are also involved in illegal mining activities along the Gola River, posing significant risks and causing damage to railway tracks and bridges. This unlawful mining has been ongoing since 1975. In the recent outbreak of violence, it was discovered that weapons had been stockpiled in this area, and even madrasa students were drawn into the conflict. All these strategies appear to follow a recurring pattern.
Where does the mentality of illegal occupation of government property come from?
This mentality is not limited to just Dhanbad and Haldwani; it is prevalent across various regions. When a group gathers to offer namaz on public roads, causing traffic disruptions, it emboldens such behaviour. Similarly, when a protest mob occupies roads for an extended period, as seen in Shaheen Bagh, and millions of Delhi residents are inconvenienced without any effective resolution, it fuels this mentality. The construction of dargahs on public land, including roads and forests, with offerings like chadar, further reinforces this mindset.
When there are incidents of illegal encroachment, and misuse of government property causing problems to the common people, it should not matter whether the person doing so is a Hindu or a Muslim. BCCL had said in its annual report in 2017-18 that the company had 526 acres of land that was illegally occupied. Many of these lands have also been cleared of encroachments. For the safety of the mines and for long-term operation, it is necessary to evacuate the encroachments or illegal constructions that are in the vicinity.
Under these circumstances, it would not be astonishing if Dhanbad witnesses violence similar to Haldwani, accompanied by a series of sit-in protests. Subsequently, some excited individuals may step forward to represent them, seeking a Supreme Court stay order. Such actions against encroachments may be portrayed as oppression against Muslims, with foreign media being informed of alleged discrimination against Muslims in India. The problem of unlawful encroachment may become overshadowed, transforming the entire issue into a narrative of Muslims versus the Modi government. The future developments in this case will be worth observing.
