As the 2024 Lok Sabha Elections are approaching, the issue of political donations via electoral bonds has surged to the forefront. It has revealed a complex interplay of ethics, legality and political strategy. Days before the General Elections’ dates were announced, the Supreme Court directed the Election Commission of India to publish all the details of donors and political parties that received donations via electoral bonds. As the information came in parts, the Bharatiya Janata Party became the apparent target for propagandists, opposition parties and certain sections of the media.
The reports highlighted that the ruling party, BJP, was the top receiver of corporate donations, which ignited a firestorm of targeted attacks on the party. However, those who attacked the BJP conveniently ignored the common sense that the ruling party at centre and over a dozen states should naturally get maximum donations. Furthermore, regional parties like DMK and Trinamool Congress, which are ruing in a single state each, managed to bag over a thousand crore each in donations via electoral bonds. Despite its stronger hold on national and state politics, Congress received less money than TMC for two consecutive years.
The outcry of the propagandists, opposition parties and media revolved around the claim that the BJP “must have indulged in corruption” and used electoral bonds as a legal way to force corporate houses to donate. For example, Future Gaming and Hotel Services PR purchased electoral bonds worth Rs. 1,368 crores in 22 phases. Initially, because BJP is the largest receiver of donations, “dots” were “connected” that the company paid to BJP after the Enforcement Directorate and other agencies raided it.
The narrative was built purely on assumptions, as there was no way to connect any political party to the donors then.
CPI(M) leader Sitaram Yechury, without taking names of any political party connected Future Gaming And Hotel Services to ED raids. It was an indirect but targeted towards the BJP. However, when more information on electoral bonds came out, Yechury decided not to question DMK, which got most of its donations from the company.
Soon, more data was published by the ECI based on the directions issued by the Supreme Court. The data revealed that the Future Gaming and Hotel Services PR, owned by Santiago Martin, donated electoral bonds worth Rs 509 crores. Interestingly, the total money received by DMK via electoral bonds stood at 656.5 crores. It needs to be clarified to whom Future Gaming and Hotel Services PR paid the rest of Rs 859 crores in donations as the details were not revealed in EC’s second set of information. Not to forget, OpIndia categorically provided details of Martin’s links to DMK, TMC, Congress and CPI(M) after the Electoral Bonds first dataset was released.
Another example is Allana Group, India’s largest buffalo meat exporter. Alt-News co-founder Mohammed Zubair speculatively “connected dots” from the data available on 16th March and argued that the company donated to BJP after the Mumbai Wing of the Income Tax Department raided it. Two points need consideration. First, without any proof that the money went to the BJP, Zubair led his followers in that direction. Further, he conveniently ignored the fact that the export of cow meat is banned in India. Only cara beef or water buffalo beef gets exported as per the law. However, when we talk about “beef” without mentioning the source, it gives the impression that cow beef is getting exported from India and the BJP-led government is promoting it.
Prashant Bhushan, the advocate who is on the front of the Electoral Bond case in the Supreme Court, shared screenshots of the list of Electoral Bonds released by ECI containing BJP’s information. However, when more information was released and DMK came under the scanner for receiving 508 crores from the Future Gaming and Hotel Services PR, Bhushan decided to stay quiet.
The News Minute selectively spotted several companies they could link to BJP and ED raids. Under the “Project Electoral Bond” section, the news portal published a series of reports that mainly targeted the BJP.
OpIndia also reported how allegations and counter-allegations started soon after the data was released in two sheets. Contrary to the belief of the opposition parties, the names of many companies, that they were accusing of donating heavily to BJP, do not feature in the list of the buyers of electoral bonds. Some of them alleged that the govt didn’t allow other vaccines because of the ₹50 crore donation from Serum. Several social media users also shared images of Adoor Poonawalla to alleged links with the company and the BJP.
CAT IS OUT OF THE BAG !!
— Mahua Moitra Fans (@MahuaMoitraFans) March 14, 2024
Govt. Procured Covid Vaccine #Covishield from Serum Institute of India.
In Return, Serum Institute of India donated 50 crores to BJP via electoral bonds.
Hmm !! pic.twitter.com/qniXgPa87Y
The narrative suggests that BJP, as the ruling party, benefitted disproportionately from corporate giants. They raised alarms that there was a chance of arrangements between these companies and the ruling party. However, they forgot to acknowledge that the legally done political contributions cannot be termed inherently corrupt or unethical. Bringing the electoral bonds scheme minimises black money pumped into politics.
Furthermore, political donors have the right to stay anonymous as they may quickly become a political target. However, the Supreme Court’s judgment overturned donors’ right to anonymity, which the Parliament ensured.
The selective outrage with insinuations and conjectures overlooked that such donations were made across the political spectrum. The double standard only fueled the distorted narration, which will have more significant implications on the public understanding of the matter, especially during the General elections.
No one is denying that transparency is essential in the democratic process. However, it is necessary to understand how donations work in the political spectrum and how it becomes difficult for the donors if the power changes hands.
