During a recent press briefing, Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina labelled protesters as “grandchildren of Razakars,” a term historically associated with collaborators of Pakistani forces during the 1971 Liberation War. This incendiary remark triggered widespread protests across Bangladesh, leading to severe injuries among many students.
The term ‘Razakar’ is deeply rooted in the history of Bangladesh, referring to militia groups that supported the Pakistan Armed Forces in committing atrocities during the war. These groups, including the Razakars, al-Badr, and al-Shams, were responsible for genocidal rape, torture, and murder. Dr. Muntasir Mamoon, an expert on the Bangladesh Liberation War and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding leader of the country, explains that the term ‘Razakar’ evolved from ‘Rezakar,’ originally meaning ‘volunteer’ in Hyderabad, India. In Bangladesh, however, it became synonymous with betrayal and brutality.
The Biharis, Urdu-speaking migrants who moved to East Pakistan between 1946 and 1947, were major supporters of the Razakars, opposing Bengali independence. The term ‘Razakar’ has since been a derogatory label in Bangladesh, symbolizing the worst of human rights abuses during the liberation struggle.
In the recent press briefing of our PM Sheikh Hasina tagged the protesters as grandchildrens of 'Razakar' (traitors of Bangladesh) which resulted in large protests everywhere in Bangladesh and our students ended up being severally injured !! Please keep them in your prayers 🤍🤍 pic.twitter.com/KxDsRnbiaO
— You must make haste!!🍉🇧🇩 (@ot7_squad_) July 15, 2024
Prime Minister Hasina’s comments have sparked intense backlash, with students adopting slogans to mock her statement. These slogans, such as “Tui ke? Ami ke? Razakar, Razakar (Who are you? Who am I? Razakar, Razakar)” and “Chaite gelam odhikar, hoye gelam Razakar (I went to ask for rights; instead became a Razakar),” echo the historical resistance chants from the independence movement.
However, Hasina’s remarks weren’t the only ones that mentioned Razakar. Her party members followed the prime minister, adding to the anger of the students who were protesting by making similar comments. Dipu Moni, the Social Welfare Minister expressed, “Razakars have no right to hold the blood-stained red and green flag of the Liberation War martyrs.” Mohammad Ali Arafat, the State Minister of Information and Broadcasting doubled down and asserted, “No demands will be accepted from those who want to become Razakars.”
At a subsequent event, Hasina addressed the slogans, expressing regret and emphasizing the historical suffering caused by Razakars. She highlighted her government’s efforts to prosecute war criminals and uphold the spirit of the Liberation War, pointing out the atrocities committed against Bengali women and civilians in 1971.
Critics argue that Hasina’s use of the term was irresponsible and has been misinterpreted by the protesters. Dr. Mamoon notes that many young Bangladeshis are unfamiliar with the complex history of the Liberation War, having studied it only theoretically. He believes that the current protests are fueled by issues of corruption and unemployment rather than historical grievances.
The protests underscore the significance of Bangladesh’s youth in driving social and political change, as noted by Dr Mamoon. While some view the labelling of dissenters as an attempt to brand them as anti-national, supporters of Hasina argue that her statements have been misunderstood and twisted. The situation remains tense, reflecting the ongoing struggles within Bangladesh’s political landscape.
The controversial quota system reserves up to 30 per cent of government jobs for family members of veterans who fought in Bangladesh’s 1971 war of independence against Pakistan. The demonstrators, most of whom are students have been staging protests in Dhaka and other towns against the public sector job reservation system, which includes a quota for the kin of war heroes who fought for the nation’s independence from Pakistan in 1971. They contend that because Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League party spearheaded the independence fight, the system favours her supporters and is discriminatory. They want a merit-based system to take its place.
Prime Minister of Bangladesh Sheikh Hasina, however, has defended the quota system, stating that regardless of their party membership, veterans should be treated with the utmost respect for their services during war. She dubbed the protestors as “Razakars” during a conference, after which the agitation turned ugly. “If not the grandchildren of the freedom fighters, then who will get quota benefits? The grandchildren of the Razakars? This is my question. I want to ask the people of the nation. If the protesters don’t comply, I can do nothing. They can continue their protest. If protesters damage properties or attack cops, the law will take its course. We can’t help,” she stated on 14th July.
An Awami League supporter claims that Hasina’s comment was a rhetorical and sarcastic inquiry about whether the grandchildren of Razakars should receive quota privileges when it comes to jobs in Bangladesh. However, the comment further infuriated the protestors, who intensified their demonstrations.
Who were the Razakars?
The Pakistan Armed Forces established the Razakars, al-Badr, and al-Shams as their three primary militias in what was then East Pakistan with the support of radical Islamists to crack down on civil freedoms, civil disobedience, target freedom fighters and terrorize civilians. Bengalis were the victims of numerous acts of violence and cruelty, including genocidal rape, torture, murder and forced deportation, all carried out by these paramilitary groups with the assistance of the Pakistani military.
The Razakars were a paramilitary volunteer group that fought against India’s post-1947 integration as a home guard and paramilitary force in the princely state of Hyderabad. The Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen leader Bahadur Yar Jung was the driving force behind the group, who were led by Qasim Rizvi who was compelled to immigrate to Pakistan in 1948 following the Rezakars’ defeat at the hands of the Indian Armed Forces during Operation Polo. The first Razakar team was founded in May 1971 in Khulna by Maulana Abul Kalam Muhammad Yusuf, a senior member of the Jamaat-e-Islami, with 96 members of the extremist organisation.
“The Razakar comprised Biharis and poor people who were socio-economically deprived. They became informants for the Pakistan Army and had weapons to fight against the Mukti Joddha (pro-independence freedom fighters). Among the Anti-Liberation forces, there were many groups and the Razakars were one,” unveils Dr Mamoon, Bangabandhu Chair at Bangladesh’s Chittagong University. He added, “Urdu-speaking Bihari migrants who supported the Pakistan Armed Forces and maintained a pro-Pakistan stance, opposing the independence of Bangladesh, as well as the language movement of the Bengali Muslims.”
“Many of the poor and illiterate soldiers that fought for the West Pakistan army believed the religious motive and believed they were fighting for Islam,” Yelena Biberman writes in her book Gambling with Violence: State Outsourcing of War in Pakistan and India (2019) while quoting a Razakar. Bangladesh released a list of 10,789 Razakars in 2019 who worked with the Pakistani military.
The Pakistani government purposefully sought out “the most deeply orthodox Muslims in the rural villages with fierce loyalty to Islam and equally anti-Hindu feelings” for the al-Shams, according to the United States intelligence files. The majority of the al-Badr were members of Islami Jamiat al-Tulabah, Jamaat’s student branch. According to Biberman, the al-Badr operated as a covert organization until its existence was revealed in December 1971, right before Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s provisional government of Bangladesh was set to emerge victorious in the conflict.
A K M Wahiduzzaman, the Information and Technology Affairs Secretary of the major opposition party in the nation, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which is led by Khaleda Zia highlighted that the word “Razakar” has historically been connected to Bangladesh. He states that the al-Shams were primarily recruited from rural madrasas and focused mainly on terrorism and the protection of important municipal structures like bridges, whilst the al-Badr targeted the intelligentsia.
An iconic slogan
“Tumi ke ami ke, Bangali, Bangali (Who are you? Who am I? Bengali, Bengali)” was one of the many iconic slogans coined by Bengali freedom fighters and political leaders against Pakistan, its Armed Forces and its supporters between 1968 and 1977. It was formed to proclaim their individuality and autonomy in the face of Pakistani subjugation, as well as to uplift and motivate citizens throughout the nation’s liberation struggles.
Writings on the history of Bangladesh’s independence claim that this famous slogan was developed by students there in 1969 to promote nationalism, consciousness and unity among Bengalis. The slogan has been used by demonstrators in Bangladesh’s post-independence history and still arouses strong feelings in the nation. It was raised by demonstrators in its original version in 2013 during the Shahbag riots in the country, which were sparked by calls to execute Abdul Quader Mollah, a Bangladeshi Islamist leader found guilty of war crimes during the Liberation War of Bangladesh.
An inflammatory word
Dr. Mamoon points out, “Even now, if you are the son of a Razakar, people will say ‘You are a Razakar’s son.’ But even a poor man whose father was a freedom fighter will say that he is the son of a hero with pride and will be admired. Calling ‘Razakar’ a slur is a mild adjective for the actual connotation,” describing how the word still continues to provoke emotions among the people even approximately fifty years after Bangladesh separated from Pakistan.
The term continues to serve as a symbol of shame and treachery in light of Bangladesh’s pre-independence past The demonstrators are still furious despite Hasina expressing “regret” for using the phrase during the Prime Minister’s Office in Dhaka signing of the Annual Performance Agreements for the fiscal year 2024–25. Meanwhile, the country’s supreme court scaled back the contentious job quota system from 56% to 7% which had sparked the deadly unrest in the country and resulted in over 130 deaths and left hundreds of others wounded.
The Bangladeshi government, led by Sheikh Hasina, responded to the widespread and rampant violence by enacting strict security measures including a statewide curfew, deploying the Army and blocking internet access. Authorities also passed a ‘shoot-on-sight’ order for the cops and military. A quota system in Bangladesh’s civil services, where 30% of the seats were set aside for the children of freedom fighters had been the subject of discussions and protests prior to 2018.
After widespread student demonstrations in 2018, the government discontinued the quotas, however following appeals from the family of veterans of the 1971 war, Bangladesh’s High Court overturned that ruling and brought the old system back in place in June. The decision then was put on hold by the Supreme Court, pending an appeal hearing. Now, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s comment with reference to Razakars has further fueled the violent agitation.
“Are the children and grandchildren of freedom fighters not talented? Are only the children and grandchildren of Razakars talented? Why do they have so much resentment towards freedom fighters? If the grandchildren of the freedom fighters don’t get quota benefits, should the grandchildren of Razakars get the benefit,” she had asked as the offensive word made a re-entry into the public discourse in Bangladesh after fifty-three years.
Razakars wreaked havoc in India too: The blood-tainted history of the annexation of Hyderabad Princely State
When India gained independence in 1947 and Pakistan was formed, the British gave the remaining princely states a choice to merge with either union or stay independent. One of the largest princely states within the Indian union was Hyderabad, a Hindu-majority region ruled by a Muslim Nizam.The Nizam of Hyderabad, Mir Osman Ali Khan, was in a dilemma on whether he should join the Indian union or stay independent.
On the other hand, the Majlis-e-Itihadul Muslimeen (precursor of present-day AIMIM) was adamant about the Nizam merging with Pakistan instead of being Independent. Being no more than a puppet to the MIM, the Nizam agreed to keep Hyderabad independent of either union.
However, the Hyderabad princely state comprised of over 80 percent Hindu population, which was increasingly getting restive to join the Union of India. Nizam’s forces, though, were determined to crush their protests. An armed militia named Razakars was raised which committed unspeakable atrocities against the Hindu population, forcing Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel to give a nod to a military operation to annex Hyderabad.
