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Student-led protests, deaths and appeasement politics: How Bangladesh’s anti-quota movement is reminiscent of anti-Mandal agitation in India

The protests eventually died down and there was no opposition when the Narasimha Rao-led-Congress government announced the implementation of the Mandal Commission report in 1993.

The day was 7th August 1990. India’s then Prime Minister VP Singh had accepted the infamous Madal Commission report, which recommended 27% reservation for Other Backward Classes (OBCs).

The report [pdf], which ushered into a new era of affirmative action and appeasement politics, was originally prepared by ex-Chief Minister of Bihar Bindeshwari Prasad Mandal in 1980 on the directive of the Moraji Desai-led-Janata Dal government.

The subsequent governments of Indira Gandhi and her son Rajiv Gandhi had put the report in hibernation until it was brought back to life in 1990 by VP Singh. His decision to increase the total reservation to 49% (SCs, STs and OBCs) changed the course of Indian politics forever.

Indian Express report on VP Singh’s acceptance of Mandal Commission Report, image via Polis Project

The first wave of protests began in the National Capital of Delhi. There were candle-lit processions, silent demonstrations near the India Gate, arbitrary suspension of classes at the Delhi University and even hijacking of DTC buses.

Media reports from that time indicate that the protests, mostly spearheaded by student groups, were scattered, sporadic and loose-knit. Fuelled by widespread anger and spontaneity, they conducted rallies, bandhs and hartals to convey their resentment to the government.

A major turning point in the anti-Mandal agitation came on 19th September 1990 when 19-year-old Rajeev Goswami poured oil and set himself on fire in protest. Goswami was a student of Deshbandhu College.

DU student Rajeev Goswami sets himself on fire in protest, image via AFP

The disturbing incident was witnessed by hundreds of protestors and media persons. Although he managed to survive with 50% burns, Goswami’s act of self-immolation persuaded other general-category students to follow suit.

One such case was that of Monica Chadha, who was 19 at that time. She poured gasoline on herself and set herself ablaze. Even on her deathbed, Chadha was unperturbed about her decision.

“Today, I want to teach a lesson to V. P. Singh. I am proud of what I have done,” she was quoted as saying by Los Angeles Times.

Women protest against implementation of Mandal Commission Report, image via Navodaya Times

In Haryana, a student named Sushil Kumar died by consuming insecticide and held V.P. Singh responsible for his death.

One Narinder Kaur, who hailed from Punjab, also hung herself and donated her eyes to the then Prime Minister in a suicide note so that he could see the misery of the student community. Another student named Surinder Singh Chauhan died of self-immolation.

Reportedly, a whopping 159 people attempted suicide to protest against awarding OBC reservations. 63 of them succumbed to their injuries.

While recounting the matter, Dalit Singh wrote in The Telegraph, “Till Rajeev lit the match, the agitation was being viewed as a campaign aimed at derailing social reforms and not many were willing to speak up in defence of the opponents of reservation — a political holy cow. But Rajeev’s reckless act changed the tone and texture of the agitation, which overnight came to be viewed as a movement spearheaded by selfless youths.”

The aftermath of VP Singh’s political decision

The BJP withdrew its support from the VP Singh government over the issue, leading to its eventual collapse. A young lawyer named Indra Sawhney moved the Supreme Court of India challenging the decision of the government. The apex court, however, upheld the constitutional validity of 27% OBC reservation in 1992.

The anti-Mandal protests eventually died down and there was reportedly no opposition when the Narasimha Rao-led-Congress government announced the implementation of the Mandal Commission report in 1993. It took more than 13 years for OBC reservations in educational institutions to finally see the light of the day.

The agitation divided the society in an unprecedented manner. In 2012, columnist Anu Kumar wrote in The Hindu newspaper, “Suddenly things that hadn’t mattered before, like people’s surnames, took on a greater importance, and appeared in a totally new light…”

Ex-NDTV journalist’ Sanjay Ahirwal, who participated in the anti-Mandal protests but later became pro-reservation, conceded in a 2021 article for The Quint, “VP Singh’s attempts to politicise the issue only resulted in deepening a social divide which was till then not seen in the more progressive Delhi University.”

Atul Aggarwal, image via The Indian Express

Rajeev Goswami, the face of the anti-Modal protests, passed away in 2004 in obscurity. His brother Mahendra told The Telegraph, “Rajeev used to lament that the self-immolation attempt did not have any impact.”

A 12-year-old boy named Atul Aggarwal, who had set himself ablaze during the 1990s protest, still has no explanation as to why he took such a drastic decision.

He told the Indian Express, “Everywhere, people were only talking about the Mandal report. Rallies were being held, roads were blocked, youngsters were killing themselves. As a child, I felt I should be part of this movement though I did not understand what it stood for.”

Aggarwal went on to study at IIT Kharagpur and IIM Calcutta as a general-category student. On being asked about reservations, he stated, “It’s bullsh*t. Give free education and financial assistance to disadvantaged castes. Why punish someone who was born into an upper-caste family?”

2024 anti-quota protests in Bangladesh

Bangladesh has been witnessing violent protests for more than a month over the decision of the High Court to reinstate 30% reservation in government jobs to the descendants of the freedom fighters of the 1971 Liberation War.

The agitation against the ‘quota politics’, which is said to benefit members of Hasina’s Awami League, is largely spearheaded by students belonging to prominent colleges and universities in the country.

More than 105 deaths and 2500 injuries have been reported so far. The development comes at a time when Bangladesh is reeling under high inflation, dwindling foreign reserves and rising unemployment.

The unrest in the country reached its peak on 18th July when anti-quota protesters set fire to the headquarters of the state broadcaster Bangladesh Television (BTV) in Dhaka.

In a statement, the TV network informed, “The building of the BTV is under fire. The fire is spreading rapidly. Hoping for the rapid deployment of the firefighters. Many are trapped inside.”

The police resorted to firing rubber bullets and using other forms of non-lethal weapons (tear gas and noise grenades) to quell the protests by the students, leading to more deaths and injuries.

On 19th July, the protestors freed 100s of prisoners from a jail in the Narsingdi district of Bangladesh and then set the facility on fire.

Forced by circumstances, the Sheikh Hasina-led government had announced to shut down schools and colleges for an indefinite period. According to outage monitor NetBlocks, Bangladesh is also witnessing a “near-total national internet shutdown.”

On 17th July, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina appealed to the students to maintain calm. In a televised address, she said, “I firmly declare that those who carried out murders, looting and violence — whoever they are — I will make sure they will be given the appropriate punishment.

However, appeals for peace have so far failed to bear any fruits. The ruling Awami League has blamed the Islamist Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) for exploiting the ongoing unrest and using students as political weapons.

While speaking about the ongoing agitation against ‘quota politics’, a protestor named Nahid Islam remarked, “Discussions and opening fire do not go hand in hand… We cannot trample over dead bodies to hold discussions.”

It must be mentioned that Bangladesh had 56% reservations until 2018 for certain groups in government jobs, which are considered lucrative in Bangladesh.

Violent student protests in Dhaka,image via AFP

These groups include disabled individuals (1%), indigenous communities (5%), women (10%), people from underdeveloped districts (10%) and families of the freedom fighters of the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War (30%).

This left only 44% of seats for selection based on merit. There were large-scale protests in 2018 by student groups, which forced the then-Sheikh Hasina government to abolish the quota altogether.

In June this year, the High Court in Bangladesh overturned the decision of the government and held the scrapping of 30% reservation for families of freedom fighters as illegal. This sparked fresh protests from student groups.

The Appellate Division of the Supreme Court upheld the decision of the High Court on 4th July 2024, leading to widespread demonstrations. Following appeals by the Sheikh Hasina government, the court asked all petitioners to maintain the status quo until 7th August 2024.

However, the protesting students are steadfast in their demands and are willing to even endanger their lives to prevent the implementation of the 30% quota yet again.

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Dibakar Dutta
Dibakar Duttahttps://dibakardutta.in/
Centre-Right. Political analyst. Assistant Editor @Opindia. Reach me at [email protected]

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