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Violence, politics of polarisation and weaponising caste census data in the name of Casteless society: Read why Yogendra ‘Salim’ Yadav’s defence of caste census is flawed

What happened to the OBC reservation? Rohini Commission found that 97% of the seats in jobs/admissions reserved for OBCs went to only one-fourth of the caste groups. Additionally, the Commission also found that 24.95% seats were distributed to only 10 OBC castes. 

Of late, the Congress party has been claiming that it has found the panacea for all issues, problems and challenges posed against India – conducting a nationwide caste census. However, it is falling short on elucidating the advantages of undertaking such an exercise or highlighting the disadvantages for the country in the absence of caste census data. In a country with more than 3000 castes and over 25,000 sub-castes, an individual’s identity is being reduced to their caste identity. Casteist politics is being revived like never before and with it, caste discrimination, strife, and frictions are getting more pronounced. 

Now, the Congress party has deputed one of their most vocal political voice, Yogendra ‘Salim’ Yadav to defend its agenda of caste census. Previously, he had served as one of the strategists of Rahul Gandhi’s ‘Bharat Jodo Yatra’. The reason being, the cabal had been projecting him as some sort of suave and intellectual who is also a self-proclaimed ‘Psephologist’ and expert in every field under the sun. He has written an article in ‘Indian Express’ explaining why caste census is necessary.

Yogendra Yadav ji, X-Ray machine does not ask caste identity 

Yogendra Yadav begins the article by asking an ‘X-ray’ question. He argues that the feasibility of the idea and the risks associated with it play a major role in determining its favourability. He notes that a person is in favour of an idea if it is “required and possible” and against it, if it is “risky and unaffordable”. He then raises 5 pointers to make a value judgement for or against the idea of caste census and based on the pointers he has raised, it becomes evident that caste census is not a necessity.  

At the outset, let’s underscore the obvious fact that X-ray machines don’t reveal the caste identity of any person by scanning their body nor it asks for their caste before taking the scan. 

Nonetheless, in the Indian Express article, Yadav argues that the need to find a solution arises only after determining whether a disease or problem actually exists. Undoubtedly, there has been caste discrimination in India, but discrimination is also pervasive within the caste groups included in OBC or SC/ST communities. This was recently highlighted by the future-Chief Justice of India, Justice BR Gavai in his written judgement on the sub-categorization in SC/ST reservations.

For example, Brahmins often face smear campaigns that allege that they don’t drink water from the house of a person from Dom community but the usual suspects never ask whether Yadav, Nishad and Kurmi in the OBC groups or Jatav, Meena or Pasi among the SC/STs, drink water from the house of any Musahar or Dom community? Leave alone inter-caste marriage, can the aforementioned be treated as a form of caste-based discrimination? 

So yes, caste discrimination exists and it took place in history as well. But can caste census solve the issue of caste discrimination? If Yogendra Yadav says that by counting the number of heads among each caste group, the problem of caste discrimination will be eradicated, then either he is trying to hide some conspiracy under the guise of ‘intellectual’ cover or he is getting overpowered by ‘Salim’ within him. Secondly, he said that caste census does not mean just counting heads among each caste group, but it is a storehouse for a big building.

Very good! But has he forgotten that all such figures, till date, have been used more for politicking rather than upliftment of the poor. Take ‘Mandal Commission’ as an example. It recommended giving 52% reservation to OBCs, but the Supreme Court capped the reservation limit to 50% and any law that breaches it is struck down as “unconstitutional”. When VP Singh was the Prime Minister, he allocated 27% reservation for the OBC community.

During that time, there were protests all over the country and hundreds of students committed suicide. Leaders like Lalu Yadav and Mulayam Singh Yadav used it to their advantage and VP Singh faded in history. If it was a revolutionary decision, then why does the OBC community not revere Vishwanath Pratap Singh in the same way as Dalits worship Bhimrao Ambedkar. 

Later, the Supreme Court made the provision of ‘creamy layer’ among the OBCs, that is, those who became rich had to give up reservation benefits. 

Only politics was done in the name of OBC, did society get any benefit out of it?

All in the name of championing the cause of OBC community and taking their leadership, Lalu Yadav’s name figured in scams worth crores of rupees and Mulayam Singh Yadav was accused of acquiring property worth hundreds of crores. Furthermore, caste groups in the General category were targeted and slogans like ‘Bhura Bal Saaf karo’ (Initials for several upper castes – Bhumihar, Rajput, Brahmin, Lala (Kayastha) – Bhu-Ra-Ba-L) were raised during the same time period. 

What happened to the OBC reservation? Rohini Commission found that 97% of the seats in jobs/admissions reserved for OBCs went to only one-fourth of the caste groups. Additionally, the Commission also found that 24.95% seats were distributed to only 10 OBC castes. 

Similarly, in Uttar Pradesh, a panel led by retired judge Raghavendra Kumar also recommended sub-categorization among the OBC reservation. 

The problem is that once such decisions are taken, there is no chance of looking back, re-reviewing or changing the circumstances even after 100 years. Despite the recommendations, the advice of sub-categorization in OBC category is lying in abeyance. Even when such a decision would be taken, then people like Yogendra Yadav will come out and write articles to inflame the situation. 

In the article, Yogendra Yadav argues that apart from asking about caste, the census will also seek details like availability of basic amenities like electricity, water, cooking gas, housing conditions etc. So, if it is about conducting a socio-economic survey and the objective is to uplift the people standing at the last rung, then there is no need to ask about people’s caste identity. By conducting a socio-economic survey without asking caste, the benefits of government schemes can be extended to the last person standing in the queue. 

Did Patna transform into New York after the caste census was carried out in Bihar?

Now coming to his third point, Yogendra Yadav says that it depends on the real life circumstances and one should be practical according to the availability of time. He cites the model of caste census in Bihar. What happened after investing Rs 500 crore? Some castes alleged that their numbers were downplayed and there were heated arguments on social media and self-proclaimed representatives of every caste weighed in for their share in leadership. 

Patna didn’t transform into New York after a caste census was conducted in the state. On the contrary, there was a change in power, Nitish Kumar once again broke the alliance with RJD and joined BJP. If caste census was such a practical and bold decision, then why did the alliance fall apart? The objective of the caste census was that every leader should know the population of his own caste, that’s it. Those who spread hatred in the name of caste started abusing other castes, that’s all it achieved. 

In the fourth point, Yogendra Yadav said that the expense of caste census should not be impossible. It is pertinent to highlight that teachers and government employees are employed to undertake such an exercise. This leads to incurring losses in education, efficiency of governance and adversely impacts all castes as education in government schools is absolutely free for children up to 14 years of age or up to 8th class without the need for reservation.  

For Yadav, teachers should always be engaged in activities like census and election duty, and people like him should fulfil their agenda by talking about caste census. 

In the fifth point, Yogendra Yadav said that the procedure should not be risky and its disadvantages should be less than its benefits, then the answer for caste census is ‘yes’. But the obvious fact is that this is risky. India, a country which seeks to eradicate casteism, has witnessed fierce caste-based struggles. Reducing a person’s identity to caste markers, is this right? This will adversely impact nationalism and social fabric. 

Under this, they will pit so-called upper castes and backward classes against each other. Later, the truth that only a few OBC communities are taking away the lion’s share will be revealed, and then it will be revealed that some groups among the SC/STs are still marginalised despite all the reservations.

This will further increase internal conflict, caste-based identity will rise and other things will go down and then the country will be moving on the brink of a civil war. So yes, it is dangerous. Politicians will also use this struggle to win elections, politics has never regretted spillage of blood.

Why does Rahul Gandhi get angry when asked about his caste?

Yogendra Yadav argues that in villages and hamlets everyone knows each other’s caste, that is why asking caste is not a big deal. Then why did Rahul Gandhi get upset when he was asked about his caste in Parliament? Why was Akhilesh Yadav upset? This means that a leader has the privilege not to reveal his caste, but the same leader wants the people of the country to prioritise their caste over everything else. This is the politics that demands internecine conflicts, it demands bloodshed, it demands civil war.

What other purpose could there be behind promoting polarisation by further strengthening ‘Caste Identity’? The real intention is to divide the Hindus who were united in the wake of the Ram Mandir Pran Pratishtha and the opening of the temple. 

‘Divide and rule’ – perhaps Congress might have learned this during the British era itself. Our policies should be about education, health and economic upliftment, because without these, representation is not possible. Representation cannot be forced, because it is first necessary to empower them through education and other means. If this does not happen then there will be loss in efficiency of governance.

To avoid vote bank politics, a socio-economic survey of every family should be done without asking their caste. The root cause of discrimination is the gap between rich and poor around the world. Yogendra Yadav talks about ‘quiet implementation’ of decisions based on caste census, is this not against democracy? How can everything be done ‘silently’, sneakily in a country of 150 crore people and with a vibrant media representing the fourth pillar of democracy?

And yes, working clandestinely is the act of the devil. If you are being advised to do something secretly, then understand that there is some fraud. Yogendra Yadav says that without X-Ray it cannot be decided whether the operation should be done or not. But here, they are talking about direct organ donation without X-Ray, whereas the patient has only a fever. Eradication of caste based discrimination should be done by running awareness campaigns, providing benefits of government schemes to backward communities and speeding up the pace of development work in their areas – the aim should be this, not to do politics by counting the number of heads among each caste group.

On one hand, Yogendra Yadav talks about eradicating caste while talking about ‘Babasaheb’s dreams’, on the other hand he also wants that everyone should put forward their caste identity. How can two contradictory things be achieved simultaneously.  

Yogendra Yadav has been the strategist of Rahul Gandhi’s ‘Bharat Jodo Yatra’. Rahul Gandhi gets angry when asked about his caste but they want to know the caste of the entire country. How can both things happen together? And yes, Yogendra Yadav has a tainted history.

We should remember how he spread lies against CAA. He is an ‘Ichhadhari’ protester and an andolanjeevi. He was a ‘farmer leader’ during the ‘farmer movement’. He spread falsehoods against NRC, alleging that under it the birthplace of the parents would be asked, whereas there were no such provisions. He spread the lie that Muslims would not be considered citizens of India.

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अनुपम कुमार सिंह
अनुपम कुमार सिंहhttp://anupamkrsin.wordpress.com
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