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This is why scientists are not joining the award-return bandwagon

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Rukmini Bhaya Nair, in her recent article in NDTV has posed a question to scientists as to why they were not returning their awards when a lot of writers and other ’artistes’ were returning theirs.

At the very outset, to even suggest that not returning awards was akin to either being apathetic  to someone’s killing, or not having courage to speak up is very rash.  The entire structure of her argument stands on a very shaky foundation –  to first assume that this is the worst time for civic rights in the history of post-independent India without establishing it with any objective evidence, and then to try and win people with a  ‘you are either with us or against us’ logic.

Before we move on, I want to say this – in a recent debate on Times Now, Maya Krishna Rao angrily asked Anupam Kher and Arnab Goswami not to dictate to the writers when they should or should not be returning their awards (when they quite reasonably asked her why none of these people returned their awards during the earlier riots and incidents). Now, turning the tables, how would it be if a scientist said ‘’ Please don’t dictate to the scientists when they should or should not speak up’’?

With that childishness out of the way, here is my  broad response to Ms. Nair.

1. Perhaps, the scientists could count up to 3, and realised quickly that only one killing (of Kalburgi) happened after the present govt came up at the centre. And since 2 out of the 3 killings happened during the previous govt, perhaps they did not rashly fit a trend and pronounce the current govt Fascist. In other words, one point does not define a whole curve.

Despite the media cacophony on this issue, they also perhaps saw that mob-rage and mob-killings are not a sudden occurrence in India in the last one year and have little to do with this or that government being at the centre. Also, why is it that the chief ministers of the respective states (Karnataka and UP respectively) do not seem to exist at all in the eyes of these writers and the onus of law and order is suddenly shifted to the central govt.? That brings me to my second point.

2. They (scientists) also perhaps noted that a lot of the writers who returned their awards and gave TV interviews in a huff and puff also seemed to have signed petitions against the current prime minister in last year’s election campaign and tried their best to see to it that he was not elected. One of them said quite undemocratically on live TV, as the results were pouring in showing a clear victory for the BJP, that it was probably time to get a new electorate in India to prevent such results. What elitism!

With so much evidence of an express bias, should one blindly discount it and believe that these writers have no political scores to settle? Nayanatara Sehgal went to the extent to say that Indira Gandhi was only a ‘’ democrat gone wrong’’, but the current govt was Fascist. Apparently  even the very act of usurping the democratic rights of people still somehow retains the democratic nature of Indira Gandhi. In what dream-land is this thinking rational (since Ms. Nair claims to be siding with rationalists)?

Now, given the slimy political plane on which all these players seem to stand, should the scientists blindly join the bandwagon?  By making false and rash accusations and using it for political ends damages the credibility of the intellectuals. That should have been left proprietary to the politicians (of all parties) who seem to know no better.

3. Ms. Nair herself makes this admission – ‘’ The media today, like it or not, brings to all of us news of ghastly hate crimes, of child rapes, of vigilante violence, with an everyday certitude that cannot but shock and dismay. In this ‘in your face’ or ‘in your Facebook’ world, we are thus being systematically forced as a collective to confront the big questions again.’’

Madam, seems like you need a hand to crawl out of this media-trap. It does not take any special training in any discipline to realise that the media are also on a massive hunt for such incidents (especially those involving social discord) day in and day out all of a sudden and also, if I may say, because THIS government is at the centre.

That does not in anyway mean that the issues are not pertinent . They do  need a deep look into ourselves as a society. But the dodgy credentials of the current lot of self-proclaimed agitators undercuts the efforts of the more honest ones and disenchants the public  at the disappointing quality of the so-called intellectuals.

4. Ms. Nair ends her article by asking how one should react in this age of media onslaught when the problems of the world are no longer isolated from your privacy, and rues the ‘long-standing neglect of the basics of a humane education’.

Madam, how about remembering that most humane education that tells you to meditate coolly with a calm head and not be swayed so much by sundry media reports, and not be urged to react to every news item you happen to read and drive yourself and the people around you into a frenzy? How about meditating and working out a solution to the problem, if you can, instead of creating more and more jargon in the name of your social theories, which invariably do not have a shelf-life longer than two years? If you come up with a solution, instead of adding to the noise, may be everyone, including those apathetic scientists, will stand with you. This does not mean that a discussion cannot happen. But the increasingly evident political bias of the agitators wreaks of insincerity.

Long standing problems need long-term solutions, and petty politicking, as some of these writers are doing, is not the beginning of anything fundamental. Standing up for a cause for the wrong reasons endangers the cause itself. People can see through this charade, and refrain from blindly joining the bandwagon. At the end, all you are left with is a conglomeration of petty minds.

To go into a few details of her article where Ms. Nair uses misplaced logic :

1. ‘’…. one group of national awardees, the writers, has spoken up strenuously. The other, comprising scientists, has not. Why? If the spate of Award-wapsi is a ‘motivated protest’ by persons who have been patronized by the Congress or the Left, that would be as true of the scientists. Why then have few, if any, scientists protested publicly? Are they immune to motivation?’’

This displays utter lack of awareness about how science works. Science does not have any patronage of the right or the left. Such subjective psychological divisions do not fall in the realm of science.  And yes, scientists are more immune to motivation, by training.

2. Ms. Nair invokes CP Snow’s thesis, with a twist. To quote her, ‘’ I suggest that, as postcolonial inheritors of the British system of education, we return to CP Snow’s memorable distinction between the ‘two cultures’ of the sciences and arts. Snow’s thesis is typically invoked when there is talk of ‘culture wars’, as in our country today. His specific conjecture was that the UK system of education made too sharp a distinction between these streams, wherein the humanities were unduly privileged to ‘speak for’ the culture, while the sciences, despite their powerful intellectual contributions, constituted a place of cultural silence. He pointed out that ignorance of Shakespeare was considered a social lack but this snobbery did not appear to extend to a parallel ignorance, say, of the Second Law of Thermodynamics. In short, there was a deep, incipient ‘intolerance’ in British society. ‘’

First things first, Snow was only making a distinction between the traditionally accepted literary cultureand the rapidly progressing natural sciences (with which the former are largely cut off) in early 20th century England. So to off-handedly and loosely say that this thesis is typically invoked when there is a talk of ’culture wars’ is to apply it totally wrongly. Moreover, to say that there is a sort of culture war in India is an unqualified overstatement. Could Ms. Nair care to specify what cultures are warring and how Snow’s thesis is applicable there? Here is Snow’s essay. I strongly recommend reading it for both its humour and depth.

In fact quite ironically, Snow concludes his essay thus, “From that particular temptation, made up of defeat, self-indulgence, and moral vanity,the scientific culture is almost totally immune. It is that kind of moral health of the scientists which, in the last few years, the rest of us have needed most; and of which, because the two culture scarcely touch, we have been most deprived.”  Ms. Nair, the reading of that is quite clear I suppose!

Snow explicitly said that it was those unacquainted with the sciences that were losing more, both intellectually and more importantly morally. And this is because scientific thinking is devoid of this temptation to cosy up to this or that ideology.

In fact the scientists have been speaking through their continuous research publications on several issues, some of them concerning our own life and death (like developing vaccines, warning about pollution and air quality). How many of you have used the same passion for listening to their words and spreading them? So much for reverentially looking up to them.

Lastly, Ms. Nair, 11 Nuclear scientists of India have died under suspicious circumstances in the last 4 years. How come none of the writers uttered a murmur about that, and you are talking about scientists being apathetic?

-Hemalekha

The Horrendous Communication Strategy of “Modi Sarkar“

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“A good relationship starts with good communication” – If this is considered to be foundation of every relationship, the relationship between the Modi Sarkar and India is strained. Not only is the government showing inefficiency in addressing issues, but they are also proving to be highly inept. Mind you, this is despite the fact that any adverse event or atrocity anywhere will now be stuck on PM Modi’s door even if similar events took place with same regularity.

As anyone will agree, the government of the day faces myriad of issues. At some times they need to be proactive, and others where they need to react to situations. I find a severe lack of interest or attention to address issues. If PM Modi thinks that he will weather the storm for 4 years, and then go on an attacking spree to dismantle opposition claims – I would love that to happen. But I am getting increasingly skeptic.

Proactive Communication Failures

Let us consider two decisions that were part of the BJP manifesto: the implementation of the OROP and the releasing of Netaji Files. Both of these were the agenda on which PM Modi had campaigned aggressively against the UPA. How he lost sight of these, by not anticipating the negative publicity by the opposition parties is beyond me. He let the UPA and other opposition parties take on the position of pro-OROP by sending out confusing messages. Defense Minister Parrikar said the files were cleared from his department one day and Finance Minister Jaitley said that there were many complications, another day. What was going on there? PM Modi prided on getting all departments to work together seamlessly – but, here was a clear lack of that. Why cannot your government talk in a single voice when dealing with complex issues?

Regarding the release of Netaji Files, for approximately 18 months, we were led to believe that the release will affect our foreign ties. Arun Jaitley is on record saying that. What happened suddenly in September 2015 that you decided to invite the Bose family to meet and announce the release date? What happened was – Mamata Banerjee beat you into submission. The same Mamata Banerjee who did not release the files when UPA was in the center did it to embarrass PM Modi. Left with no alternative, you followed suit. I am not privy to national security matters, but this is the narrative that everyone follows now. If Steve Waugh was an Indian political commentator, he would have said “You’ve just lost West Bengal”. To summarize, the whole foreign ties explanation was bunkum. You wanted to release at an opportune moment, but Mamata forced you to act. If this is not true, come out with the timeline of internal deliberations.

Let me not get into other success areas in economy, foreign policy, NE policy and so on. Not one of these topics has been “properly” communicated. We know that the Modi app sends messages on these developments, but they are not registering on the front pages of newspapers.

Reactive Communication Failures

Church attacks, various bans by state governments, Dadri massacre, beef issue, akademi award returns and so on – none of these issues are due to Central government policies or come under the purview of the Center. I cannot fathom how many primetime shows have gone on to blame PM Modi on each of these and many more. Not once has the government or BJP for that matter, come up with a short and succinct rebuttal.

Every spokesman conveys a different message. Each has a different talking point. Almost every TV debate goes like “During UPA times, why were you silent” or “There were 10 deaths during UPA, why the hullaballoo over one death”. These may make good primetime viewing, but leaves a bad taste. Every one of us can understand that the government cannot stop all atrocities. But saying one death is better than ten or hundred, is sheer stupidity. Remember, we elected PM Modi for “achche din” and not just for “behtar din”. If the argument is that hardly anyone watches these shows, then please don’t bother to send spokesmen there.

Final Word

Prime Minister Modi must understand that India voted for and elected “Modi Sarkar” and not “Jaitley Sarkar”. Every time an issue breaks out or media creates an issue, I do not want to see Jaitley making a statement on behalf of the government. He is a great spokesman, but his words are from a lawyer-politician and not Modi. To be honest, nobody gives a damn about what he says. He may keep mainstream media happy, but he simply does not matter to us. Either PM Modi makes a comment or let the government keep mum. When Modi can give an interview to print media like HT or Dainik Jagran, why can’t he address a press conference once a quarter? That way he is not favoring any media house and is also taking matters head on.

Some BJP folks claim that PM Modi touches upon issues during the “Mann Ki Baat” program. However, this is a monthly speech. If you have not seen the trend, charged issues rise immediately after this show. Confident that PM Modi will remain silent for a month and opposition can drive the narrative. Like they say, baaki aap khud samajhdaar hain…

When Mahatma Gandhi mediated a debate over whether Vedic Hindus ate beef

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Right from its ban in Maharashtra, Haryana to the Dadri lynching, Beef has become the hot topic in India. The beef over Beef has made Sahitya Akademi recipients return their prestigious awards, with everyone citing the rising intolerance in India under BJP government.

While news channels were actively fanning communal tensions by bringing in the religious angle to the Dadri incident, it also projected this lynching as ‘the first of its kind ever in India’. This ‘first of its kind’ projection stimulated me to do a search of similar events that could have happened before this. Initial search in Google news with custom date ranges did not bring many search results and the search could only take me as far as 2000. Also, I tried with only English keywords and not Hindi, so I could have missed out any such events in regional newspapers.

Then, I turned over to Google Books, to find out whether ‘murders related to cow slaughter’ had ever happened in India. Via that search, I got a chance to read some excerpts from a book called ‘Beast and Man of India’ written by a J.L.Kipling (father of Rudyard Kipling). A chapter was devoted to cow & bull and how it finds its high place in agrarian India. But, in the search results, something else caught my eye – a screenshot of page 331 (Volume 9) of an old magazine called ‘Young India’ edited by none other than the famous Gandhiji. Unable to browse through the excerpt there, as Google had not taken snippets of the book, I tried to find an alternate online source for reading Young India. Thankfully, some really good guys at Gandhi Heritage Portal had kept 14 volumes of Young India magazine in their website. After browsing through every edition of Volume 9, I zeroed in on that particular page, which was a part of Young India published on September 29, 1927.

Nearly, 88 years before, Gandhiji had been a kind-of-mediator for a discussion over ‘whether the Vedic Hindus really ate beef or not’. Gandhiji starts the particular column titled ‘Cow sacrifice in Vedas’, by mentioning how C. V. Vaidya had earlier written in a previous edition of the same magazine(Volume 9, June 2 1927, Page 179), about the methods to protect cow. In that article, while Vaidya was listing the different steps needed for cow protection, it was mentioned that ‘cow was slaughtered during the Vedic period’. This had caught the attention of S.D.Satwalekar, who had written a rebuttal of Vadiya’s claims in a letter to Gandhiji.

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Satwalekar in his letter, uses three verses from Charaka Samhita, to highlight how a Prishadra tried to slaughter cow and people who ate beef suffered from dysentery. He argues that it had happened, but it was not a ‘respectable’ practice.

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Satwalekar then continues to mention about punishment in Vedas for cow slaughter and argues that how can such practise be prevalent when it was sure to be awarded with death. He then explains how Cow was an untouched animal in Vedic period, by explaining the etymology of its three Vedic names, ‘Adhanya’ (one which is not slaughtered), ‘Ahi’ (one which may not be killed) and ‘Aditi’ (one which may not be hacked to pieces).

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Then, he mentions a single-line mantra and another four-line mantra to corroborate his claim that cows were not slaughtered in Vedic period. He concludes his reply by stating that ‘wise and thoughtful’ never killed cow and therefore, it cannot be regarded as an approved practice.

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Satwalekar reply is followed by Vaidya’s reply, where he briefly states that cow slaughter would had been considered sinful, yet it was done for sacrificial purposes and Aryans in their hoary days had eaten beef, which Aryans of later periods had considered a heinous sin. After Vaidya’s reply, Satwalekar again comes back with six points to support his earlier claim. Below are those six points.

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What do I incur from this exchange of letter? There is a possibility that people ate beef in Vedic age, as claimed by Vaidya. There is also a possibility that people neither touched beef not slaughtered cow, even for sacrifices. If someone who is an expert in Sanskrit and had read through all the Vedas, can bring some more verses that support or oppose the claims here, to the table, then it can enrich our debate with more facts and proofs. Until then, let me consider that I am just sharing it here, because I chanced upon this article in “Gandhiji’s magazine”and found it interesting that the same topic had been discussed nearly a century ago.

But Rajdeep Sardesai you are wrong. Again

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Dear Rajdeep Sardesai,

Before I come to your latest blog post, I want to talk about your Facebook post from 14th October 2015. One of the issues you raised there was your problem with “labels“. You said: “it is so easy to label someone with a differing opinion” and that you “resent the use of labels“. Yet, your latest blog starts with the words “The pseudo-patriots“. Isn’t this a “label“, on “someone who has a differing opinion“? I, on the other hand, have no issues with labels and hence I call you a two-faced hypocrite.

Coming to today’s post, you have chosen a convenient straw-man of pitting Dadri against Moodbidri. Like a one-on-one encounter where one event has to win, and the other must suffer an ignominious defeat. In your highly bi-polar world, only one can exist and the other must perish. Unfortunately, the point was never that and it never will be.

What the ordinary man on the street is saying repeatedly (and why you had to write your apologetic and defensive blog) is: “Yes Dadri was an extremely heinous incident. We all condemn it. Now can we hear at least a part condemnation for Moodbidri?“. No-one is saying Moodbidri is the counterpart of Dadri in all “chhatees gun“, It is you who has purposely made the debate so, for your own convenience.

While Dadri was in the media spotlight right from day one, Moodbidri was relegated to regional media and in the back-pages of national media. It came into national media’s focus almost 10 days after the event, that too after consistent pressure from social media. This is the problem. The role of the media is to report news in an impartial manner. A business news outlet would, for example, report news about an Ambani and also news about a Wipro. The intensity and the focus would be proportionate to the respective news but yes, they would certainly report it. But no, our “secular” mainstream media finds zero value in reporting all news proportionately.

Instead self-appointed “thekedaars” of secular and liberal values like you, go on to play judge, jury and executioner all rolled into one. Sitting in your plush offices, you like to decide which news item was a ‘political war‘ and which news item was threatening the “Idea of India”. Which is why you have given elaborate justifications for ignoring Moodbidri and also the “context” of the murder of Prashant Poojary, as if to say, since this is the context, the murder is not important.

You start of by saying he’s a Bajrang Dal activist and Bajrang Dal has “self-admittedly used violence as a weapon against minorities“. You now invoke Babu Bajrangi. You are ready to sacrifice Prashant at the altar of secularism for the crimes of a Babu Bajrangi in Gujarat (who incidentally is already paying for his crimes by serving a life term, as prescribed by courts, not some kangaroo court in a TV studio). Why should Prashant be judged via the prism of Babu Bajrangi? Should I judge you from the prism of a Tarun Tejpal?

You then say Prashant is accused of  intimidation and violence in the region while fighting the beef mafia. For your information Rajdeep, cow slaughter is banned in Karnataka and even bull slaughter is governed by strict rules. It is entirely possible that Prashant was helping in upholding the law, just as it is possible that he was doing so, using illegal means.

Importantly, when he was hacked to death, he was an accused. If he was eventually proven guilty he would have gotten his just desserts from the court. He did not deserve to be murdered on the street in any circumstance. To your credit, you echoed similar sentiments. Unfortunately, there was a “but”:.

He didn’t deserve to die under any circumstance but there is a political context to his death as there would be in Bengal when Trinamool workers clash with CPI M.

What does this “but” mean? Is being killed under a political context a lesser crime? Like @bhak_sala remarked on Twitter, it seems even a convicted terrorist like  Yakub Memon got more sympathy and mileage than an accused (of much smaller crimes) like Prashant. You wouldn’t want to hear this “but” in other circumstances, yet you casually throw this “but” here. This inability to condemn Prashant’s death without a rider has exposed your hypocrisy even more. Thanks, the nation will remember this “but”.

And in all this glossing over, you chose very smartly to ignore another murder in Moodbidri. That of 60 year old Vaman Poojary, the key eyewitness in Prashant’s murder. And I know why your “moral compass” forced you to turn a blind “secular” eye to this gruesome murder. Because you couldn’t paint him with the same brush of Babu Bajrangi, drawing a false sense of complicity. There was no “context”, no “political war”, no scope for a “but” to butt in. You knew you would lose the game and hence you didn’t play it. And that also has exposed you once again.

And now I come to why you wrote your blog. Because you were stung, ashamed and exposed on social media and to an extent on National media, because Anupam Kher took you on. It was solely because of the relentless pressure of social media that your hand was forced and you had to speak about Moodbidri on your show. And you couldn’t tolerate that. You couldn’t tolerate the fact that lakhs of ordinary people had challenged you sitting in your ivory tower and forced you into talking about something which you considered only a “political war”.

I foresee more such blogs from you though. You have been thoroughly exposed on social media multiple times. You have lost your cool on New York streets, getting into fist fights with people who had a “differing opinion” (at least you did not label them then). The Supreme Court has chided your ilk (including you) for allowing a liar like Sanjiv Bhatt to play the “media card” (to be honest I do not know whether it was he who used you or vice versa).

You had learnt to push such public humiliation under the carpet of “abusive Bhakts” by playing the victim card every single time. But now the stage has moved on to your home, which is so aptly called the “idiot box”. Celebrities are now coming to your show and easily demolishing the carefully crafted façade of decades. Social media users are now pressurising you. You are no longer in total control, the control is slipping. And you don’t like it one bit.

The game is changing Rajdeep. And like the earlier game, which you did not play, its better you sit out this one too.

Ashok Chakradhar hits out at award returnees, asks them to see through TRP game and politics

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Renowned Hindi poet and author Ashok Chakradhar has hit out at those returning Sahitya Akademi awards to protest against alleged rising intolerance in the country. In a Facebook post, especially aimed at his colleague and one of the award returnees Munawwar Rana, Mr. Chakradhar has questioned the wisdom of those who are taking this route to protest against the claimed issues of tolerance and free speech.

Ashok Chakradhar wonders why Munawwar Rana, who himself had declared that those returning awards were “tired” people who had given up faith on their writing, suddenly did the same a few days later.

Ashock Chakradhar and Munawwar Rana
Ashok Chakradhar with Munawwar Rana (photo credit: Facebook post by Mr. Chakradhar)

Chakradhar suspects that there was mix of political and communal pressure on Rana, which forced him to go back on his own conviction and return his Sahitya Akademi award. In his post, Chakradhar claims that minds of Muslims have been poisoned into believing that they are not safe in India, and this aspect might have forced Rana to return the award.

Ashok Chakradhar reminds Munawwar Rana what Rana had replied when someone in Pakistan had asked him if he, a Muslim, felt safe in Hindu majority India. Then Rana had said that he had nothing to fear because ‘70 crore Hindus were ready to defend him’.

Chakradhar asks Rana why he has suddenly lost faith on those 70 crore Hindus and had become afraid of just 70 odd hate mongers.

Ashok Chakradhar then makes a public appeal to Munawwar Rana to not let this discourse of fear become the fear of one community. He reminds everyone that it is the duty of poets and writers to make sure that there is peace and brotherhood in the country even if some people were indulged in hate mongering.

Mr. Chakradhar says that poets and writers should neither get overwhelmed by any fear nor let anyone else get overwhelmed by it. Fear should be resisted, not exaggerated, he says. Divisive politics has to be fought with pen, not by getting consumed by it or by being paranoid, he further says.

Chakradhar also indirectly blames the media for exaggerating events and creating an atmosphere of fear in the country. He says that poets and writers should make common people aware of this ‘game of TRP’. Perhaps that is the reason this statement by Ashok Chakradhar has not made headlines yet in the mainstream media.

Series | Decoding Indian Belief Systems: Circle versus Line

India is currently in a state of huge flux. There is a widening gap between generations, and every five years now looks like a new generation gap. The cause of this gap is not just technology, which is a mere enabler of communicating thought, but also the change in the collective thought of generations which has undergone dramatic shifts in the past few decades.

Born with a traditional faith-based upbringing but educated in contemporary material and Western scientific values, some of us were constantly at odds trying to make sense of the Universe around us. Is there a God? Rather, how many Gods are there in this Universe? If there are God(s), are they the Hindu or the Muslim or the Christian or the Jain or the Parsi one(s)? If God is omnipresent, is he present in the Devil too? If we are children of this God, why do we need to please him or her? That too with absurd traditions like a plate decorated with flowers, burning camphor or incense sticks and circling the plate around the idol of a God? What is the sense of the poojas and the yagnas, except for the yummy prashad we received at the end? Aren’t these rituals just blind superstitions of the past when man was dependent more on nature than technology?

Why do Indians blindly follow spiritual gurus? Why are women not allowed in temples during menstruation? Why is there such a discriminatory caste system in this country? Why do our Gods have multiple hands – sometimes, 4, sometimes 8, sometimes 100? Why do we worship a monkey-face or an elephant-face God? Are Ramayana and Mahabharata adaptations of true stories, or pure myth? Why is sex such a taboo in the land of the Kamasutra or the Khajuraho temple?

Questions like these filled a mind attracted to science and intrigued by tradition. While some people took the easy path of either rejecting tradition altogether calling it superstition, others took the decision of accepting tradition and faith as it appealed to them. There was a third category too: people who were open to knowing more, but didn’t know where to look for answers.

In this series on the Indian tradition, we try and look at some of these questions to figure out what they were probably intended for, and what they mean today. For sake of convenience, we use the term Indian tradition or philosophy to refer to philosophies which originated in India like Hinduism, Buddhism, or Jainism. The idea is not to say that traditions which didn’t originate in this country are not Indian; rather it is the contrary – to understand how being Indian in the philosophical sense enables us to widen our worldview to accept all philosophies in our midst.

In this series on Indian tradition, our attempt is not to judge the traditions as right or wrong, good or bad, scientific or unscientific. It is just to highlight the other side of the coin – looking at traditions from the lens through which they were probably created. In the end, one is free to take a call of their liking, but hopefully this series will open us up to understanding why people do what they do. Hopefully, this will help increase empathy in a society which sees newer acts of intolerance every day.

We begin with one of the most crucial differences in the Indian worldview as compared to the West: our understanding of life. While in India, life has traditionally been viewed as an endless circle, in the West it has been seen as a line with a definite starting and ending point. In his TED video, Devdutt Pattanaik, the Chief Belief Officer of the Future Group, establishes this significant difference between the Indian and the Western perspectives. This difference is key to our understanding of the philosophy and the multiple ideologies of these worldviews, and their underlying assumptions.

In his TED talk, Devdutt, one of the most knowledgeable speakers on Indian mythology who uses his understanding of ancient stories to solve an organization’s contemporary problems, talks about two myths or stories which have shaped a disproportionate amount of Indian and Western thought. This is the metaphysical perspective on life in the two parts of the world.

In the West, the story goes as this: You live a single life, and after dying you cross a river. After you cross the river, you will be valued on the basis of your achievements on earth and thus you will either go to the ‘Land of the Heroes’ or to the ‘Land of the Commons’. In the East however, the story is slightly different: Once your lifetime on earth is complete, you cross a river and then take a new form and come back to earth for another lifetime. This cyclical process goes on and on for lifetimes.

So, both philosophies give very different answers to the one very basic question surrounding human existence: What is the purpose of life? While one says achieving greatness would make life more meaningful, another says realizing the hollowness of it all, and attainment of freedom from the cycle of birth and death is the ultimate raison d’etre.

Thus, the major difference between the Western and the Eastern thought is on how they view life: as a line or as a circle. Though seemingly it is just a philosophical difference, it is incredible how this single point of difference has shaped the cultures, values, beliefs, traditions, ideologies, and social structures of society in these regions. In this series on Indian belief systems, we will start from this very point of origin and over the next few weeks, try to decode why our systems and beliefs evolved the way they did, and why our culture is distinct (neither superior nor inferior to the West) with its unique identity, and how do we come to terms with the seeming contradictions between our ancient roots and the ways of modern life.

written by – @shreyansmehta

Journalist and old friend of Sanjiv Bhatt asks: Did you use me Sanjiv Sahab?

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This piece is about two people. One a politician who is the Prime Minister of India and the other a Gujarat cop – now dismissed. From a reader’s perspective there are always different ways of looking at a writer/blogger. On the other hand, bloggers too preserve their rights and prejudices too.

Narendra Modi has been a politician and a chief protagonist of my three books on his state and him. But Modi was never a friend though I had always admired him for certain traits as an administrator in Gujarat and as a ‘grounded’ leader who looked decisive on many matters chiefly working on developmental projects.

On the other hand, Sanjiv Bhatt was a good friend and more a ‘good source’ in Gujarat police when I was deputed by Press Trust of India (PTI) there to cover the year’s toughest assignment the post-Godhra mayhem of 2002. I always believed Sanjiv or our ‘Sanjiv Sahab’ never lied to me. I will continue to cherish this belief.

But on October 13, 2015, none other than the Supreme Court of India had choicest of words and phrases for him. “We are not impressed by aforesaid submissions. It cannot be said that the petitioner (Sanjiv Bhatt) has come to this Court with clean hands,” the court of Chief Justice of India H L Dattu and Justice Arun Mishra ruled.

I continued to be in a mystified stage as the reports of the court proceedings came in. Of course, I knew from 2009-10 that Sanjiv Bhatt was perhaps erroneous in his handling of the entire episode wherein he had filed an affidavit claiming Modi as Chief Minister of Gujarat told select few senior police officials (on February 27, 2002) that the Hindu rioters should be allowed to avenge the injustice of Godhra train inferno. Other police officials, including the then DGP K Chakravarthy had denied that Sanjiv Bhatt had attended such a meeting. There was no police record to substantiate Sanjiv’s claims too. The official version being – he was too junior to be summoned for such a high-level meeting.

Despite regarding him a friend and ‘reliable source’ – to use a journalistic cliche – I was somehow not convinced about Sanjiv Bhatt’s version. I was often ridiculed in the established secular lobby of New Delhi and Ahmedabad journalism for my ‘not trusting’ a friend and backing a Hindutva leader, NaMo.

I probably went by my instincts and thought Sanjiv Bhatt must have fallen into some wrong hands. The official claim that Sanjiv Bhatt was too junior to attend such a meeting somehow worked for me. One reason for the same being, only ‘trusted’ senior cops would be convened for a high-level meeting with a Chief Minister. I knew from my experience in Nagaland, mere seniority does not make you win a Chief Minister’s trust. S C Jamir, the former Nagaland Chief Minister and the present Odisha Governor, had tutored me a few tricks of running an administration.

So my argument was: Even if Sanjiv Bhatt was authorized to go to such a meeting (in the absence of his senior), there was no surety the Chief Minister would trust a junior fellow. To say that Sanjiv Bhatt did not know this would be wrong again.

Nevertheless, the detailed ruling from the apex court of the land and that too telling in as many words that  Sanjiv Bhatt has used ‘media card’ and was only a tool to Modi’s political detractors was a sad affair overall.

The court had ruled, “He (Sanjiv) had exchanged e-mails with rival political party leaders and was being tutored by the  lawyer of NGO and its activist. Ghost questions and answers were also prepared as to what the petitioner was required to speak before Justice Nanavati Commission. Petitioner has used the media card, has even sent the e-mails to influence the judicial proceedings of a  3-Judge Bench of this Court (Supreme Court) and has tried to influence the amicus  curiae. The e-mails also indicate that he tried pressure groups and  tried to invoke media pressure”.

I felt let down. Did Sanjiv use some of his media friends too and needless to add – by basking in the ‘glory’ of being one-man against Modi – Sanjiv’s friend circles in media had changed by then? His onetime ‘babu moshai from Mumbai’ (this blogger) was hardly in the inner circle! And thus during December 2012 election campaign for the state assembly, my interaction with Sanjiv Bhatt – when his wife Shweta was contesting against Modi from Maninagar assembly segment – was minimum and more of a courtesy meeting. Sanjiv’s friends now were high flying journos, TV anchors and Padma Shri awardees.

On October 14, a day after the apex court ruling, I confided in my wife and few close friends in Delhi and Mumbai and also with one special friend on Facebook that overall it was a ‘sad’ affair. Sanjiv has been slammed – this time not by BJP’s battery of spokespersons but by the Supreme Court itself. And if Sanjiv sahab had any ‘media card’ – our profession has been misused.

I have stated earlier of the apprehension I had about him falling into ‘wrong hands’ – for essentially I thought and many journalists who have served in Ahmedabad would believe that he was a sharp cop. I still have a few fond memories of his genuine friendship and helping me in discharge of my duties as a journalist for a highly demanding wire agency Press Trust of India (PTI).

But, I am afraid, one cannot sympathise with him further. So, rather one is convinced to take the harsh but candid line of a noisy TV anchor that ‘the credibility of Sanjiv Bhatt is over’. This is perhaps a big casualty of the 2002 Godhra train inferno and the subsequent politics perpetrated from either side.

On a broader larger scale, what angers me most is that the ‘credibility’ of a police official has been hit. It demonstrates gross abuse of police force, IPS cadre and a brilliant police officer by the Congress party and the NGOs — the permanent Modi detractors. This judgement of the Supreme Court, according to me, has made our friend Sanjiv Bhatt the Man-of-the-year 2015 – of course for the wrong reasons. Is Sanjiv Bhatt a case of abuse of a ‘weakest’ link by Congress party and the NGO brigade?

We know in a contest of unbalanced confrontation, like the story of David and Goliath; the weakest has to outsmart the strongest. My friend just could not. Sanjiv sahab is still active in social networking. He has the right to do so. But he needs to pull himself back for a while. And I sincerely feel so.

Now, the bigger question is should there be a probe into Congress-Sanjiv Bhatt nexus in the entire episode — to dig out the truth?

– by @nirendev1
(Nirendra Dev is a Spl. Representative with The Statesman, New Delhi and author of books including
‘Modi to Moditva – An Uncensored Truth’ and ‘Godhra – A Journey to Mayhem’)

Meet your Sahitya Akademi Award Returnees

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Numerous authors and poets have decided to return their Sahitya Akademi awards to protest, what they see as “rise of intolerance” in India. All these people are stalwarts and their work speaks for them so we need not assess their literary work and bring attention to the part that is common knowledge. We will only focus on the not-so-commonly known aspects:

1 . Uday Prakash

The author who started it all. He is a product of the JNU university and is described as a “Marxist” here. He has been a “passionate young member” of the CPI and later the CPM. He received his Sahitya Akademi award in 2010. In 2006, Arundhati Roy had rejected a Sahitya Akademi award. These were his views on the Akademi then:

“They call the Akademi autonomous, but it’s like what all statist institutions are, full of brokers, compromisers, people fleecing the system for personal gains, awards, recognitions, fellowship holders, those holding plum posts. She speaks her mind, how many of our writers dare to do that against the corrupt, power mafia? She has shown the truth of not only corruption in these institutions, but also how global capital has squeezed us, is squeezing us dry everyday in this new era where everything has become so cruel and money-centric”

2. Nayantara Sahgal.

Sahgal is Nehru’s niece who received her Sahitya Akademi award in 1986, when Nehru’s grandson Rajiv Gandhi was in power. Of course this was just 2 years after the gruesome 1984 Sikh pogrom. She also shares her roots with Kashmiri Pandits, but did not feel it necessary to return her award when Kashmiri Pandits were exposed to violent crimes like rapes, murders and other atrocities in the 1990s.

3. Kashinath Singh

He received his Sahitya Akademi award in 2011. More recently, in September 2015, he had no qualms about receiving the Bharat Bharti Award, UP’s highest literary award from UP CM Akhilesh Yadav who had presided over the Muzzafarnagar riots 2013. In 2014, in the run up to the Lok Sabha elections, Kashinath Singh was one of the “Intellectuals from around India” who flocked “to Varanasi to join campaign against Modi”. What is even more interesting is that he might have taken an anti-Modi stance based on threats from fellow writers. It was reported that:

“(Kashinath Singh) has been threatened by fellow writers that they would boycott him, if he did not distance himself from BJP’s PM nominee Narendra Modi. As a result, the litterateur has now done a U-turn and has been saying many things now against the BJP’s PM nominee, the most recent being that “Varanasi will lose if Modi wins.”

4. Sayyad Munawwar Ali Rana

His Sahitya Akademi award was declared in 2014 (under “fascist” Modi Government) for his “Shehdaba”, a collection of ghazals and nazms (long poems). One of the poems in Shehdaba, was on Sonia Gandhi, which was written when Sonia Gandhi, despite winning with a thumping majority, refused the chair of the prime ministership. An article in The Hindu says:

Yet, the poet in him grieves; she always faced unwarranted criticism from those who refused to see her sacrifice and only remembered that she is a foreigner. “It is not easy to turn down a PM’s chair, I had guessed she will do so, the soil of Raebareli has the grace and strength to turn down coveted positions. Even the legendary poet ‘Jaysi’ turned down an award from none other than Emperor Sher Shah Suri,” so saying, the poet recites a few lines from the poem on Sonia, titled ‘ Mere darwaze pe likh do ’

Áik benam si chahat ke liye aayi thi

Aap logon ki muhabbat ke liye aayi thi

Main badhe boodhon ki khidmat ke liye aayi thi

Kaun kehta hai hukommt ke liye aayi thi?

Amusingly, just days before Rana returned his award, he had slammed fellow awardees for returning their awards. This is what he had said:

“All those who have returned the awards are outdated people, though I share their concern. Returning awards is like child’s play for me. I would rather suggest all the writers to stage a hunger strike in which I will also participate. These people have clearly lost hope in the power of pen I think the awards are being returned to make ground for bigger awards in the next government”

The report also mentioned that Rana alleged that apart from the ‘increasing level of intolerance’, these writers were also upset with the present government for they were not given any importance.

5. Ashok Vajpeyi

He got his Sahitya Akademi award in 1994. As an Outlook piece titled “The Literary Mafia” says:

Consistently patronised by Arjun Singh in Madhya Pradesh, Vajpeyi’s power grew when Arjun Singh became chief minister in the ’80s and he became the state culture secretary. He set up 11 cultural institutions, 10 of them in Bhopal itself.

The same piece tells us what another Sahitya Akademi winner (and returnee) Uday Prakash though of him:

Hindi poet and short story writer Uday Prakash finds Vajpeyi unworthy of the two awards and calls him a “power broker” disguised as a poet. “Nobody takes Vajpeyi seriously in Hindi literature. History will remember him as a culture czar who doled out patronage”

Also, in the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections 2014, Vajpeyi openly campaigned against Modi along with other known Modi haters such as U R Ananthamurthy. In 2005 too, Vajpeyi was one of the signatories to a petition to dismiss Modi’s Gujarat Government.

6. K. Satchidanandan

Satchidanandan was one of the signatories, along with Vajpeyi above, to the statement in April 2014, which was openly campaigning against Modi. In 2010, in his home state of Kerala, when a professor was attacked by Islamic fundamentalists for producing a a dialogue on Muhammed and God, Satchidanandan was asked for his response to the incident which saw the professor’s hand being cut. His response:

“I cannot comment on this without studying the context of this whole incident – What was the source of the controversial dialogue, how it became part of a book, how it became a textbook and how it appeared in a question paper. While reiterating that this was a barbaric attack, I will say that the whole episode contributes to demonizing Muslims (as I mentioned in the Sufia Madani case earlier).”

7. Sarah Joseph

She received her award in 2011, and in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, was the Aam Aadmi Party’s candidate in Thrissur, Kerala. (Edit: As on at least 10th of October 2015, she continued to hold the post of State Convenor of Kerala AAP Unit)

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8 & 9: Ajmer Aulakh and Atamjit Singh

Both are Punjabi writers and both had signed what was called an “Anti Modi appeal” in April 2014 in the run up to the Lok Sabha elections

Honourable Mention:

1. Vikram Seth

Seth has not yet returned any awards but has threatened to the join the stir and return his award.  Seth however had no qualms while receiving the “Pravasi Bhartiya Samman” award from the hands of Jagdish Tytler, who is accused of being responsible for the 1984 pogrom.

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Now for some poetry by these talented poets.

Two sides to the coin which is flung in Dance Bars

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The dance bar case is a peculiar one. On the one hand, courts and media totally favour their existence and the right of bar dancers to their livelihood. On the other, politicians are hell bent to ban them due to various social and moral reasons. Finally, the Supreme Court has decided to set aside the ban on these dance bars, on very strong legal grounds. Yet, the Maharashtra government has said that they support this ban and a fresh media outrage has begun.

I have fortunately been in a position to learn about the case very intimately due to two factors: One, I practised for a decade in an area close to a hotbed of dance bars in Chembur and with my better half, ran a small nursing home there, treating hundreds of bargirls, their relatives, their clients, employees and their owners too. Two, my mother, who is a renowned advocate fought successfully for AHAR (the association of hotel and restaurant owners) and the bargirls’ association in the High Court, and her arguments have been now upheld by the Supreme Court.

My home in the meantime became a veritable battlefield: having seen the kind of havoc dance bars were creating first hand, I whole heartedly supported the ban, while my mother pointed out very strong legal arguments which made it obvious that the ban was not legally sustainable and would definitely be set aside. It is to her credit that she kept all personal beliefs aside and obtained a historic order from the Courts.

My personal experiences with the dance bar industry

I saw family after family devastated by dance bars. They served not just the rich: men from lower middle class and middle class families were their biggest clients, men who would blow up everything they had on bargirls and bankrupt themselves while transferring their wealth to bar owners who consequently became filthy rich, raking in hundreds of crores of unaccounted for wealth.

Having been inside a dance bar as well, I could not understand what it was about them that made people behave in this manner. This was nothing but an addiction much more lethal than tobacco or alcohol that devastate an individual – this addiction ruined the entire family emotionally, morally and financially. The better off customers entered into stable relationships with bargirls – most of these guys were married, and on one occasion there was even a shouting match in our nursing home when a patron getting his keptbargirl treated was spotted by his wife who had come for her treatment.

I witnessed the destruction of hundreds of happy families due to their male members’ addiction to dance bars. Daughters of fathers who were destroying themselves in dance bars went on their own personal rebellions which were no better than what their own parent was doing. To say that there was massive local opposition to dance bars would be an understatement.

It is not true that bargirls were forced into it: most of them had their families staying with them, and they thrived on the substantial income these girls got.Their patron would pay for illnesses of their family members too, and look after their every need. We often hear that due to loss of livelihood many of them would be forced into prostitution. But this again was not true: local nursing homes thrived on MTPs (pregnancy termination) of bargirls who were already de facto prostitutes, and who knew the rates and bargained hard. What was even more shocking, several parents and relatives of bargirls were also diagnosed with STDs and HIV.

The legal arguments against the ban

The ban on dance bars was the brainchild of R RPatil. A worse drafted act probably cannot be found. It stated that illegal dance bars were sprouting up across the state and this menace needed to be stopped. However, this was a body blow to the Government as (a) the Government had accepted that hundreds of illegal dance bars were running without licenses and that nothing had been done to curb them, which was a failure of the state (b) the bars that were sought to be closed were the ones which were running with all legal permissions and not the illegal ones. The ban also excluded five star hotels and other high profile establishments, which was obviously discriminatory – if girls could dance in elite pubs and hotels, why couldn’t they do the same in other establishments? This was a violation of their rights.

The Government had several legal options. They could have simply refused to renew the licenses as it is the prerogative of the Government to issue them. They could have stopped dance performances of this nature across the board instead of bringing in a typically UPA-style discriminatory and badly worded law. They had been repeatedly warned that this law in its current form would be struck down by the court. However, sane advice was ignored.

 The Fall of R R Patil

What made it even worse was Mr Patil took the defeat in court very personally and all appeals before him in the capacity of minister were rejected. Several orders passed by him were also set aside by the courts, which passed many strictures against him, to the extent that Patil then stopped conducting hearings himself and appointed a junior officer, who continued in the same vein. The nadir came when Patil started posting police constables in bars every night. They would sit in a corner doing nothing, but their presence was intimidating for customers, many of whom would move out thinking the worst. Moreover, a huge chunk of police force locked up in bars meant they weren’t on the streets doing their job. Frustrated, the bar owners decided to strike back with a simple trick: they got the constables to sign in a register and produced it before the court, which proceeded to give Patil another hammering.

 No easy solution

All this happened over several years, and the media slept peacefully through it. But then comes along a statement by the current Maharashtra government that they are against allowing dance bars to function and all hell breaks loose. Dance bars should not exist, but then tobacco, alcohol and drugs shouldn’t either. My personal view in this matter is that the Courts are right, but so are the politicians. Dance bars are a curse of society, and a preventable one. They should not exist, but the means to stop them cannot be a ban.The solution isn’t the kind R RPatil tried to force, and the methods to tackle this social evil need much more deliberation than is currently being done. This is not a matter of livelihood of a few thousand people but of the destruction of several thousand families. A more balanced approach in this regard is desperately needed.

Contributed by: Dr Amit Thadhani (Consulting General & Laparoscopic Surgeon)

Mother Teresa’s orphanages not de-recognized, but victim of own religious illiberalism

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Some media reports have been emerging in the past few days which are in the same vein as “Christians under attack” bogey raised a few months back. This time, the reports suggest: Central government may de-recognise Mother Teresa’s orphanage homes. These reports have appeared in media outlets such as  The Week and India.com. So is this true? Is the Modi Government following in the footsteps of RSS chief Bhagwat, who had remarked that “conversion was Mother Teresa’s main goal”?

First let us understand the new developments which have brought the Government and Missionaries of Charity (MoC) at loggerheads.

As per this Washington Post report titled Mother Teresa’s orphanages end adoptions because of new liberal rules in India” this stir has been caused because the Central Government has moved to overhaul India’s failed adoption policy. A look at the data presented by Union minister of Women & Child development, Maneka Gandhi, shows the abysmal failure of the current policy.

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As is evident, the number of children being adopted in India is steadily falling in last 4 years. For those who do not like data, Washington Post has an anecdote:

When Shreya Roy applied to adopt an orphan in New Delhi in 2012, she was told that the wait could be at least three years — if she was lucky.“We called about 25 children’s adoption homes in the city. They kept saying, ‘There are no babies, there are no babies,’ ” said Roy, a 35-year-old public relations professional. “It just did not make sense. Just look around — there are so many abandoned and poor babies.”

This lethargic pace of the adoption process, is coupled with a “thriving illegal market that funnels abandoned infants from hospitals directly to couples”, says Washington Post.

To tackle this problem, Maneka Gandhi has made multiple efforts. In July last year, she wrote 700 letters to to chief justices of high courts and district judges all across the country, requesting them to expedite the adoption cases pending with them or received by them. She followed this up with efforts to remove red-tape and simplify adoption rules.

And the new rules did see the light of day. In August, the Ministry notified the revised ‘Guidelines Governing Adoption of Children 2015’ formulated after almost a year-long stakeholders’ consultation process. “The revised guidelines coupled with the new IT enabled adoption system – CARINGS, provide a transparent process of adoption under which all the child care institutions of the country have been brought into an integrated system” says the PIB press release.

The main bone of contention between MoC and the Government is a part of the policy which allows single parents to adopt children. This is not a new rule per se, and existed since 2011 at least, but it did not apply to MoC. The Missionaries previously had the freedom to accept or reject prospective parents at will. Now the government has required orphanages to submit records of children to a central authority ( Central Adoption Resource Authority (CARA)) that maintains a database. Prospective parents will now register with the authority, whose automated system will match them with children.

This means children from any orphanage, including MoC, can potentially be matched with single parents anywhere in the country. And this is where the problem arises. Sister Amala from a New Delhi orphanage run by the Missionaries of Charity says:

“The new guidelines hurt our conscience. They are certainly not for religious people like us, may be they are for secular people as the minister says. But we are concerned about children and their future. What if the single parent who we give our baby turns out to be gay or lesbian. What security or moral upbringing will these children get? Our rules allow only married couples to adopt,”

Incidentally, a ministry official has said that this issue came to the fore when they received complaints from two prospective single parents from Assam and Bihar. “The Missionaries of Charity refused to give them children for adoption on the grounds that they were single,” said the official.

Another issue with which MoC claims to have a problem with is a new rule which provides for allowing prospective parents to choose from among six babies. Sister Amala has said on this aspect:

“Mother’s idea was adoption to counter abortion. When a woman gives birth to a baby, is she allowed a choice? She gets what God gifts her.”

Selection of children seems to be a standard practice in the United Kingdom though. In fact David Cameron, who had once claimed he was “evangelical about Christian faith”, unveiled the changed measures in 2012, which allowed parents to choose the child they would like to adopt.

And it is for these religious reasons that the Missionaries of Charity, “have voluntarily given up” their recognized status to run adoption centers. Yes, “voluntarily” and not “de-recognized by Modi Goverment”. This stand of MoC is clear from the statement of MoC dated 10th October 2015:

It was two months ago that the Missionaries of Charity decided to discontinue all our adoption work in India. We have voluntarily given up our recognized status to run adoption centers. If we were to continue the work set up by Mother Teresa, complying with all the provisions would have been difficult for us.

So this blatant disinformation campaign run by certain sections of the press stands clearly exposed. Perhaps there is “confusion” among the press because it is hard for it to reconcile and report that a Modi led Government has brought in a “liberal” (as stated by Washington Post) adoption policy, and which is being opposed by the “secular” Missionaries of Charity, on religious grounds.

The Ministry on its part, has made its stand clear via a press release:

The Ministry recognizes the good work done by organizations like Missionaries of Charity. However, it is reiterated that the new guidelines, prepared after an elaborate consultation process, have to be followed by all child care institutions involved in the process of adoption.